Showing posts with label New Yorker. Show all posts
Showing posts with label New Yorker. Show all posts

Monday, May 27, 2013

ARTICLE: Blood and Tragedy: The Caucasus in the Literary Imagination. By Alexander Nazaryan (newyorker.com)


caucasus-literature.jpg
(newyorker.com) At the beginning of “The Cossacks,” Leo Tolstoy’s early novel about imperial Russia’s military campaign in the Caucasus, the protagonist Olenin muses about the battles to come: “All his dreams about the future were connected with… Circassian maids, mountains, precipices, fearsome torrents and dangers.” He imagines, with predictable vigor, “killing and subduing a countless number of mountaineers.” Much less predictably, he identifies himself with the Central Asian people he is being sent to subjugate: “He was himself one of the mountaineers, helping them to defend their independence against the Russians.”
That subjugation of the Caucasus would continue for another two centuries, culminating in the two successive wars waged by Yeltsin and Putin. From somewhere within that region—it is not clear where, exactly—emerged the Tsarnaev family, immigrating (apparently) to the Boston area about a decade ago. On Monday, the two Tsarnaev brothers—Dzhokhar and Tamerlan—allegedly committed the first act of terror on American soil since 9/11.

Whether the two accused bombers had specific grievances about the plight of their native Chechnya is unclear. But as the details of their lives emerge, people will inevitably be searching for links between the two young men and the conflict-riven place they come from. It’s a conflict that started with the Cossack encroachments of the eighteenth century and continued with imperial invasions under Catherine the Great, mass deportations by Stalin, and the post-Soviet cruelties of the contemporary Kremlin.
And the Caucasus—a region loosely encompassing Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Chechnya, Dagestan, Ossetia, and Ingushetia—has always occupied a mystical place in Russian literature. It is a region of rough natural beauty but also a place of exile, where those who ran afoul of the tsar were sent to ponder their fealty to the empire. A place to conquer but also a place before which to stand in awe. If Russia has a cultural subconscious, it lies east of the Don River.
For Russian writers of the nineteenth century, being banished to the Caucasus was usually a sign that one was on the path to glory. Pushkin’s democratic poem “Ode to Liberty” earned him banishment to “the south” for the next three years, where he wrote “A Prisoner in the Caucasus.” Removed from his beloved Petersburg, he nevertheless found inspiration in this foreign land where, as the work’s dedication has it, “warlike raiders roam the hills / and a wild imagination / lies in ambush in the empty silence.”
It may be ironic that writers, like Pushkin, who badly wanted Mother Russia to catch up to her Western European neighbors could at the same time celebrate the unabashedly pre-modern ways of the mountains. There is Orientalism at work here, sure, but also something else—an anxiety about progress, a suspicion that the Caucasian way of life, with its horses, mountains, and wine, is somehow more true to the human condition.
After Pushkin died, the poet Mikhail Lermontov wrote “Death of the Poet,” in 1837, resurrecting some of the themes that Pushkin trumpeted, provoking the ire of Nicholas I, who sent him away to military service the Caucasus. This again proved auspicious: three years later, Lermontov published his greatest work, “A Hero of Our Time,” and briefly enjoyed his literary celebrity. Like his hero Pushkin, he became entangled in a duel, and was killed, in 1841.
The tale of a romantic officer, “Hero” is at its best in describing the landscape of the Caucasus and the people who live there. (However, Lermontov also repeated stereotypes of Caucasians as violent, lascivious tricksters. As one character says, “What a people…. They can’t even say ‘bread’ in Russian, but they’ve learned how to say ‘Officer, tip for vodka!’ ”) The land is the real hero: beguiling, alien, always faintly exuding death.
Of nighttime passage through the mountains, Lermontov writes, “To the right and left of us were gloomy, mysterious chasms, into which the mists crept down, billowing and writhing like serpents…. All was quiet in the heavens and on the earth, as it is in the human heart at morning prayer.” Reading the book today, I am reminded, oddly enough, of “Apocalypse Now,” of journeys that are as perilous within as they are without.
The morning prayer is a reference to Islam, which makes its appearance in Caucasian narratives less as a cultural force than as a descriptive trope, local color to paint characters with. Tolstoy—who went to the Caucasus willingly in the eighteen-fifties, as a soldier with the Cossacks to tidy up the remains of a dissolute youth—wrote in his novel “Hadji Murat” that the titular character possessed an “oriental, Muslim dignity.” In tales like “The Prisoner of the Caucasus,” he presents Muslim rites journalistically, as curiosities that are sure to pique the interest of readers in Moscow and Petersburg.
But for whatever simplicities he employed, Tolstoy understood the travails heaped upon the Chechens and their brethren better than the poets who came before him. In fact, as the New York Times noted, in 2009, he is probably the most revered Russian writer in Chechnya, where a museum (supported by Chechen authorities close to the Kremlin and thus eager to build the peace) to him stands. As a great-great-grandson of Tolstoy told the Times, “The Chechen people think that Tolstoy wrote most truthfully of the events that happened then and the character of the mountain peoples, their striving to be independent, for freedom, and their religious, ethnic and other particularities…Tolstoy, in spite of the fact that he was an aristocrat, a Russian count, was very democratic and open. He had friends among the Chechens.” Surely that arises in good part from Tolstoy’s ability to understand, and even sympathize with, Chechens’ animosity toward “those Russian dogs”—a sentiment that no amount of money can erase.
Ironically, it was when Russia was ruled by a Georgian—Stalin—that cruelty toward people of the Caucasus was most vehemently recrudescent. In 1944, he simply deported about a half a million of them eastward from land on which they had lived for centuries. The only reason this mass displacement is little remembered is because there were so many other atrocities taking place.
It is surprising, then, that one of the most sensitive portrayals of the region comes from that cruel age. “An Armenian Sketchbook” was published nearly a decade after Stalin’s death (and has recently been translated into English by the New York Review Classics), by Vasily Grossman, a writer who had suffered much during Stalin’s life, and was himself to shortly die from cancer. “Armenian Sketchbook” is a minor work—but that is only because Grossman’s major work, “Life and Fate,” is the twentieth-century equivalent of “War and Peace.”
Indeed, much like Tolstoy, Grossman understands the Caucasus as more than just the plaything of empires. Grossman cannot help but be astounded by the landscape, writing that “The whole of Armenia is awash with light.” And though the comity of the Soviet era was enforced by iron rule, he finds a hospitality that is absent in earlier narratives of the region: “What more do I need? On the street people greet me with a smile…. People share their stories with me; they tell me about their lives, about their sorrows…. It’s all right here. I’m accepted; I’m one of them.”
This kind of simplistic celebration of Armenians played unwittingly but conveniently into the Kremlin’s propagandistic purpose (even if Grossman was far from an establishment cheerleader himself). Maybe the saddest feature of all the literature about the Caucusus is that almost none of what is widely read and celebrated is written by Caucasians themselves.
The dissolution of the Soviet Union gave rise to the tumult that the Tsarnaev family apparently fled in hopes of a calmer life in the United States. The story of the Tsarnaev brothers—if they are indeed responsible for the bombing in Boston—spills well out of the boundaries of the Caucasian region. But it is tied to the stories of blood, lust, and tragedy that Russians have been writing about for centuries.
Alexander Nazaryan is on the editorial board of the New York Daily News, where he edits the Page Views book blog.
Photograph: Library of Congress

Wednesday, October 03, 2012

POST: Georgia: The President and the Oligarch. By Wendell Steavenson - October 14, 2011 (newyorker.com)

Wendell Steavenson

Wendell Steavenson

(newyorker.com) In 2008, I wrote a Profile of President Mikhail Saakashvili of Georgia, known to everyone as Misha, for The New Yorker. Saakashvili had just, by the skin of his teeth and American intervention, managed to escape a full-blown invasion by Russia over the disputed territory of South Ossetia. I lived in Georgia in the late nineties and have gone back many times over the past decade. Saakashvili came to power in the Rose Revolution, turned on the electricity, which had been fitful for years, and fired all of the corrupt police in one fell swoop. (In Egypt, where I live now, I hear cautious incrementalists say it’s impossible to dismantle the security services overnight; crime actually went down in Georgia after the mass firing.) But his moves since have been uneven and self-aggrandizing, and have increasingly suggested a canny autocrat bending the trappings of democracy—TV channels, parliament, an “independent” tax authority, political parties—to his own purposes. That may include a revision of the constitution’s two-term limit for for the president, which would mean that Saakashvili would have to leave office in 2014. 

Enter the oligarch: while I was in Georgia, in 2008, I would hear the name Bidzina Ivanishvili, often in whispers. Ivanishvili is a reclusive billionaire, listed on Forbes magazine’s list of the world’s richest people last year, with a fortune estimated at five billion dollars. Ivanishvili made his money in Russia in the wild perestroika-privatization years, and then returned to his home village in the foothills of the Caucasus mountains. There was only one photograph of him in the press, and that had accompanied the only interview he had ever granted, published in a Russian newspaper in 2005. Ivanishvili seemed to be a Wizard of Oz philanthropist; he spent his time in a modernist castle on a ridge overlooking Tbilisi, or else sequestered in his estate in his home village (there were rumors of zebras and a van Gogh). He helped to pay for the refurbishment of several theatres, including the Opera House, and was said to engage in casual philanthropy, giving impoverished intellectuals pensions or stipends or sometimes just wads of cash. 

A couple of years ago, I went to investigate and write a story about him. As far as I could tell, he had rebuilt every house in his home village, bought new furniture for families, paid for their weddings and their funerals. In the nearby town, he had built a hospital, a sports complex, and a cinema. He had built dozens of schools in the region, paid extra salaries to the teachers, relaid the only road, which had broken down due to post-Soviet neglect and become impassable in the winter snows. Almost every house in the district had a new roof. Many of the people were reluctant to talk—it was well known that Ivanishvili hated publicity of any kind—but those I did speak to painted a picture of an essentially modest man: clever, canny, very much in control. But I never got close to the man himself. Some weeks after my article was published, however, I received a very gracious handwritten note from him, saying that he had enjoyed my story. 

Now, surprisingly, he has thrown his hat into the political arena, declaring over the past week, in a series of open letters, that he will form a political party to put himself forward as a candidate for Speaker of Parliament. (He still hasn’t appeared in public, though.) He has challenged the hegemony of Saakashvili’s rule directly, appealing to key players in his administration (most importantly, the Interior Minister, Vano Merabishvili), and denounced what he considers the pseudo-opposition, while calling on key individual opposition figures to join him. He named names, and his choices were shrewd. 

Two thoughts amid this interesting turn of events: First, the last time an oligarch threatened Saakashvili it was Badri Patarkatsishvili, who died suddenly from a heart attack in London and whose assets (he kept much of them under different people’s names) were divided up between Saakashvili’s allies and former business partners. Badri, though, it should be said, was a flashy, rollicking adventurer, not the careful operator that Ivanishvili seems to be. And second, Georgians have initially elected each of their three independent Presidents with more than eighty per cent of the vote, but they quickly tire of them; the first two were overthrown. 

That said, Ivanishvili is a very smart man with a ton of money, a formidable opponent to Saakashvili and another twist in the tale of post-Soviet Georgia. “I have decided to go into politics,” he wrote. “I will definitely come into power.”

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Wednesday, July 25, 2012

STORY: Superlatives Visiting Dignitaries by Timothy Farrington (newyorker.com)

(newyorker.com) The other day, the President of Georgia, Mikheil Saakashvili, came to town to see an old friend: Donald Trump. In the atrium of Trump Tower, beneath a banner reading “TRUMP INVESTS IN GEORGIA,” the two men announced a plan in which Trump will lend his name and expertise in superlatives to two new buildings—one in Tbilisi, the capital, and another in Batumi, a resort on the Black Sea—that will be the tallest in the country.

http://www.silkroadgroup.net/news.php?lang=&content=38 
That evening, the Georgian delegation, a group of young people who looked as if they had just come from an open call at a modelling agency, joined a dozen Trump employees and friends at the Four Seasons to celebrate. Trump himself was a late scratch (family emergency), but the afterglow of mutual regard from the press conference (“one of the greatest personalities in the world”; “one of the great leaders of the world”) barely wavered. During the cocktail hour, in the Grill Room, Saakashvili, who is six feet three, with close-set eyes and floppy black hair, explained that he had been a Trump fan since the mid-nineties. After getting a master’s in law from Columbia, he worked at a New York firm that was a Trump tenant. “I met him in an elevator,” the President recalled. “He asked me whether we liked the building. I said to him, ‘You better fix the showers on our floor,’ and it was done within, like, twelve hours.”
The Trump touch left an impression. “I always stay in New York in Trump hotels,” Saakashvili said; this time it was the International Hotel and Tower, at Columbus Circle. Georgia, too, is known for hospitality. When asked about arranging a chat with Saakashvili, Raphaël Glucksmann, a thirty-one-year-old aide, had been obliging: “We’ll kidnap you! It’s an old Caucasian tradition.” How he would know about the region’s customs wasn’t fully clear; he is French, born far from the Caucasus, and has lived in Georgia only since 2008. (Saakashvili is evidently more forgiving of where politicians were born than Trump, who has taken up the birther cause as part of his threatened run for President.)

Glucksmann turned to Vera Kobalia, the twenty-nine-year-old Minister of Economy and Sustainable Development (portfolio: “everything growing and green”). Grinning, he asked her, “Can you say something nice about our culture?”

“I lived in Canada for fifteen years. I was happy, but I still moved back to Georgia,” she said. She was appointed last July, seven months after returning from Vancouver. Saakashvili’s tenure—he took office in 2004, after leading the Rose Revolution the year before—has been a sort of “olly olly oxen free” for bright members of the diaspora. Some have more enthusiasm than experience; Kobalia notes in her official bio that she graduated from high school (King George’s, ’99) and that from 2004 to 2006 she worked as a producer for “Destination Funny Entertainment.”

At dinner, in the Pool Room, Glucksmann sat next to Camilla Olsson, a Swedish fashion marketer. “I introduced the fabulous Trumps to the Georgians,” she said. Standing in for his dad was Donald Trump, Jr., just off a plane from Scotland, where he had checked on a Trump golf course. Donald, Jr., who was wearing a white shirt with red stripes and a red-and-white tie, explained that he and his family would make sure that the Georgian projects were up to “Trump standards.”

To Olsson’s right, Temuri Yakobashvili, the brand-new, forty-three-year-old Georgian Ambassador to the U.S., listened as Carol Alt, the eighties supermodel, touted her raw-food diet, leaving the grilled Dover sole in front of her untouched. Like Trump, Alt was eager to ease the pangs of a country starved for luxury. She mentioned that she was about to begin Georgian distribution of her natural skin-care line, Raw Essentials.

“You guys can buy it in Duane Reade, but it’ll be very exclusive in Georgia,” she said. There seems to be a market: earlier in the week, a member of a Georgian delegation had been picked up for shoplifting at Century 21, though his diplomatic immunity nullified the arrest. Alt has never been to Georgia herself, but she had heard good things: “My girlfriend says the earth smells sweet.”

Few of the guests had visited the country, and efforts by those who had been there to describe its charms produced some striking mashups. On Batumi: “Monte Carlo meets Las Vegas.” On Georgia: “The best of Italy combined with the best of France.” On Georgian cuisine: “It resembles some kind of Indian food, but, in a sense, it’s Mediterranean.”

Around 10 P.M., the President posed for a photograph with Alt, then swept out. Trump’s absence appeared to leave no hard feelings. Earlier, Saakashvili had suggested that Trump could always emigrate: “If he decides to run for President in Georgia, he might win.” ♦ 

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ARTIST: The Process from Mari Bastashevski (maribastashevski.com)

I
My projects are set in regions where well-intentioned political mandates lead to corruption and abuses of power. The objective is to understand the ultra vires acts, as well as the use of information control mechanisms, and how said mechanisms facilitate the unaccountability of government officials.

II
In an attempt to engage the conventions of traditional conflict reporting, I choose to oppose the scenographic habits in photojournalism by giving equal weight to text and image. The established convention is to combine these languages; on one hand, the image is used as an illustration of text; on the other, the text explains the image in an attempt to confirm it as reality. The intention is to use these mediums separately; so that the image is treated as 'an object' open to interpretation - a trigger for hypotheses; and the text as a separate stream of information: finite and transmitable through precise repetition.

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In The Caucasus

File 126.The Topography of Abductions in The North Caucasus
On the 9th of December, 2001, three armed men in military uniforms and masks stormed the bedroom of newlyweds Zarema and Mohammed Edilov. They pulled Mohammed out of bed and handcuffed him. Shouting and cursing, the men dragged Mohammed out of the house and threw him into an APC. They also assaulted Zarema, who tried to block the front door. On the following morning, Zarema discovered that other residents of Valerick - Ali Vadilov, Ahambi Isaev and Rizvan Suleimanov - were also abducted during the operation. Zarema made numerous attempts to have the abductions investigated, but the case was repeatedly closed due to a lack of evidence and identifiable suspects. The whereabouts of Mohammed Edilov, Ali Valilov, Ahambi Isaev and Rizvan Suleimanov remain unknown.






Zatchistki
In May 2009, a suicide strike on MVD Grozny in Chechnya left a toll of four dead and twenty four wounded. The authorities instantly blamed Beslan Tchagiev and the terrorist cluster of Dokku Umarov for the attack. 24 hours later, the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) issued a press statement explaining in summary how and where the security forces ferreted out and liquidated four future suicide bombers connected with the attack. The photographs in this series were taken in the precise locations listed in the reports as the “theater of operations”, and were taken immediately after the MVD press release went online.

Zatchistki Weekend
The Russian North Caucasus tourism cluster project won prestigious MIPIM Asia Awards competition in 2011 in the category ‘Best Project of the future of Central and Western Asia. This award is important not only for the ‘Northern Caucasus Resorts’ company. This is a serious, significant victory of Russia. We have proved that they are able to realize an innovative, modern, forward-looking project.
-Director General of JSC ‘Northern Caucasus Resorts’ Alexei Nevsky.

Yuny Specnazovec (YS) is the first Russian-sponsored youth military sport camp in Chechnya, an enclave in the North Caucasus recovering from two wars against Russia. While majority of children enrolled in YS have previous criminal records, YS is not considered a punishment facility. Participation is voluntary and parents can choose to withdraw minors from the program at any time. The Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, which was in charge of preliminary selection, says it experienced no difficulty filling the camp with volunteers. The key attractiveness of the program for the parents is that it is marketed as an opportunity for the participants to expunge their criminal records as well as to secure a future in the security forces, be it of Chechnya, or Russia.



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On and Off the Walls: Mari Bastashevski’s “File 126 (Disappearing in the Caucasus)” Posted by Whitney Johnson

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