Showing posts with label Government. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Government. Show all posts
Saturday, March 04, 2017
PRESS RELEASE: Statement by the Administration of the Government of Georgia to the case #Rustavi2. By Levan Karumidze (government.gov.ge)
Tbilisi, March 3, 2017 – Firstly, the Government of Georgia calls on the respect of democratic institutions. It is clear, that the Rustavi 2 dispute takes place against the backdrop of an unfortunate legacy. The ownership rights have been disputed in the court for several years now. This case has been judged by three instances of the independent judiciary and the final decision of returning the TV Company to its legal owner was made by Grand Chamber of the Supreme Court by unanimous decision of nine Supreme Court Justices. Government of Georgia has a full appreciation and respect towards the freedom of media and does everything to protect and ensure pluralistic media environment. We strongly believe that the respect of the decisions of democratic institutions is essential to the development of the country. At the same time, the Government will spare no effort in ensuring that media freedom and the freedom of speech is protected.
For more information contact:
Levan Karumidze
Media Adviser
Department of Public Relations
Administration of the Government of Georgia
Phone: +995 599 969610
E-mail: levankarumi@gmail.com; lkarumidze@geo.gov.ge
Address: 7, Ingorokva str. 0114 Tbilisi, Georgia
www.government.gov.ge
Background Info
The Government of Georgia is committed to the advancement of media freedom and the protection of human rights, and has made significant progress in this regard since 2012. These advances have been widely documented by international organizations.
Georgia firmly believes in transparency, freedom of expression and free media. In 2015, the World Justice Project “Rule of Law” index ranked Georgia 29th out of 102 countries, which moved Georgia up 37 places compared to its 2012 ranking, and placed the country ahead of several old and new EU members.
Two phases of legislative reforms have been carried out since May 2013 and a third was launched in 2015 to increase the independence of judges. Judges are free from the external interference from prosecutors or representatives of the executive branch of government. Meanwhile, prosecutors have been made independent from the Ministry of Justice and the political process. These improvements have been recognized by the Venice Commission, the European Commission's ENP Country Progress Report for Georgia (March 2015), and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
In addition, Reporters without Borders rated Georgia as a leader in Eastern Europe and ranked Georgia 64th out of 180 countries in its 2016 World Press Freedom Index, 36 places higher than the 2012 index. Georgia was also among the 9 countries worldwide that have most improved according to Freedom House’s Freedom of the Press 2015 report.
Meanwhile, in Freedom House’s most recent report, Georgia received a score of 64 on a scale of 1 to 100, making it the highest ranked country in the region. This democratic progress is squarely in line with the values of the Georgian people.
In regards to Rustavi 2, most of the credible international human rights reports have been reporting throughout years, that this TV Company has been illegally seized by former government from its legal owners.
The Department of State Human Rights Report 2008, stated: “Rustavi-2's founder and former owner, Erosi Kitsmarishvili, alleged on November 26 that authorities seized the television station from him in 2004 and announced his intention to regain his shares of the station by filing a lawsuit against President Saakashvili. By year's end, no lawsuit had been filed. On December 1, the next Rustavi-2 owner Kibar Kalvaski filed a letter of complaint with the prosecutor's office alleging he was forced to give up ownership of the station under pressure from government officials. He sent a similar letter to the Parliament, but at year's end there was no reaction to either letter.”
Transparency International Georgia report ‘The TV station of ‘victorious people’: The story of Rustavi 2’ gives a full description and history of illegal seizure of the TV channel from legal owners.
+++
more informations here: twitter.com/hashtag/rustavi2
For more information contact:
Levan Karumidze
Media Adviser
Department of Public Relations
Administration of the Government of Georgia
Phone: +995 599 969610
E-mail: levankarumi@gmail.com; lkarumidze@geo.gov.ge
Address: 7, Ingorokva str. 0114 Tbilisi, Georgia
www.government.gov.ge
Background Info
The Government of Georgia is committed to the advancement of media freedom and the protection of human rights, and has made significant progress in this regard since 2012. These advances have been widely documented by international organizations.
Georgia firmly believes in transparency, freedom of expression and free media. In 2015, the World Justice Project “Rule of Law” index ranked Georgia 29th out of 102 countries, which moved Georgia up 37 places compared to its 2012 ranking, and placed the country ahead of several old and new EU members.
Two phases of legislative reforms have been carried out since May 2013 and a third was launched in 2015 to increase the independence of judges. Judges are free from the external interference from prosecutors or representatives of the executive branch of government. Meanwhile, prosecutors have been made independent from the Ministry of Justice and the political process. These improvements have been recognized by the Venice Commission, the European Commission's ENP Country Progress Report for Georgia (March 2015), and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
In addition, Reporters without Borders rated Georgia as a leader in Eastern Europe and ranked Georgia 64th out of 180 countries in its 2016 World Press Freedom Index, 36 places higher than the 2012 index. Georgia was also among the 9 countries worldwide that have most improved according to Freedom House’s Freedom of the Press 2015 report.
Meanwhile, in Freedom House’s most recent report, Georgia received a score of 64 on a scale of 1 to 100, making it the highest ranked country in the region. This democratic progress is squarely in line with the values of the Georgian people.
In regards to Rustavi 2, most of the credible international human rights reports have been reporting throughout years, that this TV Company has been illegally seized by former government from its legal owners.
The Department of State Human Rights Report 2008, stated: “Rustavi-2's founder and former owner, Erosi Kitsmarishvili, alleged on November 26 that authorities seized the television station from him in 2004 and announced his intention to regain his shares of the station by filing a lawsuit against President Saakashvili. By year's end, no lawsuit had been filed. On December 1, the next Rustavi-2 owner Kibar Kalvaski filed a letter of complaint with the prosecutor's office alleging he was forced to give up ownership of the station under pressure from government officials. He sent a similar letter to the Parliament, but at year's end there was no reaction to either letter.”
Transparency International Georgia report ‘The TV station of ‘victorious people’: The story of Rustavi 2’ gives a full description and history of illegal seizure of the TV channel from legal owners.
+++
more informations here: twitter.com/hashtag/rustavi2
Labels:
Freedom of Media,
Government,
Media,
MediaFreedom,
Press,
Rustavi2,
Television
Tuesday, December 18, 2012
ARTICLE: Grand Designs on Hold in Georgia. By Nino Gerzmava
(iwpr.net) Plans for whole new city shelved, but port may yet be built.
By Nino Gerzmava - Caucasus
CRS Issue 669, 14 Dec 12
Georgia’s new government has placed all of President
Mikhail Saakashvili’s ambitious infrastructure plans on hold. Thousands
of people have been put out of work while the administration reviews the
economic rationale for a range of projects including an all-new city.
Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili’s administration argues that many projects like building a city called Lazika are too far-fetched to go ahead.
Deputy Economy Minister Dmitri Kumsishvili says the government will still push ahead with plans to develop tourism and industry, although projects in these sectors also need to be looked at.
“Tourism is one of the main priorities for the Georgian government. The projects that are on hold will be re-examined with regard to cost and effectiveness,” he said. “Our first step will be to create a council of consultants to study the tourism sector and present recommendations.”
It was just a year ago that Saakashvili unveiled plans for Lazika, which he promised would be Georgia’s second city with a population of half a million, and the major gateway on the Black Sea. Apart from the residential homes, shops and official buildings that would be required, Lazika was to get a port larger than the existing ones at Poti and Batumi. (See Georgian Leader Unveils Grand City Plan.)
Three years earlier, Saakashvili launched resort projects at Anaklia and Ganmukhuri by the sea, and at Mestia in the Caucasus mountains.
Along a two-kilometre seafront at Anaklia, workers rapidly built a promenade, hotels, swimming pools, restaurants, a concert hotel, a yacht club and a 500-metre bridge over the mouth of the River Inguri. Mestia got a ski centre, hostels, a new bridge and 130 km of road for access.
The construction boom created a lot of new jobs – 3,000 in the Samegrelo–Zemo Svaneti region, according to provincial governor Alexander Kobalia.
“For years, we sat at home with nothing to do,” Anaklia resident Goga Gerantia recalled. “At least recently we’ve been able to breathe a little. Some people worked as builders, others opened shops, and some of my neighbours got jobs in hotels and restaurants.
“In Samegrelo, where no one had laid one brick on top of another for decades, they built a whole resort. People were hoping for a better future.”
President Saakashvili’s party lost a parliamentary election on October 1, leaving the government in the hands of billionaire Ivanishvili’s Georgian Dream coalition.
A constitutional reform is in train to make the prime minister and parliament more powerful than the president, and as a result Saakashvili is left unable to force through his pet projects.
A wave of unemployment has hit Samegrelo–Zemo Svaneti, where much of the work was focused.
“A few months ago, Anaklia, Ganmukhuri and Mestia were flourishing,” Levan Konjaria, chairman of the town council in Zugdidi, the centre of Samegrelo-Zemo Svaneti, said. “Now there’s just a few cows wandering around. The building work has stopped. This region needs attention, or all that work will have been in vain.”
Visiting the region on December 4, Saakashvili expressed regret that the projects had been frozen. He put the number of people who had lost their jobs at 6,500 people.
“You can’t sacrifice work on which so many families depend just to spite one man,” he said. “Forget that it was Saakashvili’s idea, say the idea came from the prime minister or someone else, but just build.”
He stressed that Lazika was still a good idea. “Forty-five per cent of Georgia’s population lives in villages. We need a new urban centre that offers people job opportunities,” he said.
Most of the building companies under contract have declined to speak to the press, with some saying they are under investigation by state prosecutors.
Soso Keidia, one of the founders of the Sunny construction firm, said its director had been arrested.
“No one wants to say anything. Everyone is awaiting the next steps taken by the new government,” he said. “Over 1,000 Sunny workers on big building projects in the new resort zone have been thrown out into the street as work stop for an unknown period.”
Saakashvili alluded to the investigations during his visit, saying, “Even local government is feeling the pressure from prosecutors. It is being asked why it spent money on building Lazika.”
He insisted, “This money was spent because I ordered it. I did this, and whatever they say, I will finish the job.”
Even if Lazika is dead as a concept, the port facilities may yet see the light of day.
“Building a city is absurd, but as for a port, that’s more realistic,” Ivanishvili said. “But right now, I don’t have a precise project or a precise answer.”
David Narmania, the minister for regional development and infrastructure, said discussions on the port were still going on, even though work on it was suspended.
“Negotiations are taking place with investors about building a port,” he said.
Nino Gerzmava is an IWPR-trained journalist in Georgia.
Monday, October 29, 2012
ARCHITECTURE: Government considers planned new city Lazika
(dfwatch.net) TBILISI, DFWatch — The new government has still not decided
whether to implement Saakashvili’s idea of building a completely new
city Lazika in Georgia.
The new government have different ideas about the plan to build a city with half a million people on the Black Sea shores near the conflict zone.
Building Lazika city was an unexpected idea which Mikheil Saakashvili
described in one of his speeches at the end of 2011, when no one had
heard of it. There has been debate over whether it is right to build a
completely new city if there are a number of old cities needing
rehabilitation, and whether it will attract new investors.
At first, in the beginning of October, when the election results
weren’t final, Bidzina Ivanishvili, the current Prime Minister, said
there is no need to build Lazika and he said Lazika is Saakasvhili’s
largest joke.
“Why should a city be built on that swamp, for whom will it be, when all of Georgia is almost empty,” he said.
However, the day before being approved as Prime Minister, Bidzina
Ivansihvili said building Lazika is absurd, but a port may still be
built there.
He said he is badly informed about the issue and cannot give specific
answers, but the government will review this issue. The Prime Minister
thinks building a port is more realistic.
Giorgi Kvirikashvili, who is Georgia’s new economy minister, stated
that the new economy team has way much important priorities than
building Lazika.
“I doubt someone will have time for Lazika in the nearest future,” he
said a week before being approved to his new post. “This is not an
infrastructure project, but it is about building a new city, which may
be implemented by participation of private investors and their desire,
but not by forcing someone.”
The period before the election President Saakashvili spoke about
different projects in Lazika. At the end of September he visited a place
for the future city stating that constructions of a church is to start
soon, which will be a copy of Bana Cathedral, Georgian cathedral built
in VII, which is on territory of Turkey right now.
Mikheil Saakashvili said then that a port of Lazia will be the
largest in Georgia’s sea coast and port will host large-ton ships.
President described each corner of the city where there will be located logistic centers, plants, water pipes.
“Georgia needs Port Lazika if we want to have large income,” he said adding that 1500-2000 people will be employed.
Previous government planned to dry swamps, build business-centers, city hall, hotels and Lazika would have own airport.
Two building constructions are already finished. Those are port
administration, which used to be living building of Interior Ministry,
but was transferred into port administration now having poster attached
‘Lazika Port’; and another building is Lazika City Hall.
Different projects and drawings of future city was released by
initiators, including Georgia’s famous house of Justice, a glass
building; 3d commercial of the city was also released.
Another point of Lazika construction supporters is that new city will
have political opportunities as it will be located close to Georgia’s
breakaway Abkhazia, which is currently occupied by Russia.
Kakha Bendukidze, who former economy minister is chair of Free
University, explains that Lazika may create door or a window, which will
give Abkhaz population to look in Georgia, come to Georgia and
cooperate with this part of the country, he told Rustavi 2 TV.
“If we do everything right, then Lazika will become for Abkhaz
populations, what West Berlin used to be for East Berlin population in
its time,” he explained.
However, new government officials do not go in details while
commenting about fate of the new city. Yet it is known that port of the
new city may be finished, but people working in the port should live
somewhere, critics say.
When budget draft was presented for 2012 to parliament, which
approved the draft at the end of 2011, Lazika wasn’t mentioned there.
However, money was allocated from the state for constructions of
highway, bridges and a house of justice in Lazika.
Tuesday, August 28, 2012
VIDEO: Gia Nodia: Government to Raise Voters' Trust in Elections (pik.tv)
Labels:
Bidsina Iwanischwili,
Election,
Georgia,
Georgian Dream,
Gia Nodia,
Government,
Interview,
Mikhail Saakaschwili,
PIK TV,
Politics,
Television,
TV,
Video
Location:
Tiflis, Georgien
Saturday, June 09, 2012
PROTEST: Georgier sind gegen gegen das Fällen von alten Bäumen in ihrer Stadt. Zu spät!! Von Dan Wisniewski (rferl.org)
(rferl.org) Einwohner der georgischen Hauptstadt Tbilisi haben sich darüber beschwert, dass in diesem Frühjahr schöne alte Bäume massenhaft gefällt wurden, so dass ganze Straßen und Plätzewie leergefegt wirken.
Die Entscheidung des Rathauses in Tbilisi, hundert Jahre alte Bäume auf der legendären Agmaschenebeli Avenue zu fällen, entsetzte viele Einwohner. Die winzigen gepflanzten Bäume, die Jahrzehnte brauchen, um die gleiche Höhen zu erreichen, konnten die Anwohner nicht beruhigen. Zudem ist die Straße jetzt der prallen Sonne im Sommer ausgesetzt.
Mitte Mai schlossen sich Umwelt-und Anti-Korruptions-Aktivisten dem Protest der Anwohner an gegen das Fällen der Bäumen rund um den Deda Ena Square.
"Wenn sie Bäume fällen, die vor Jahren gepflanzt wurden, bevor ich geboren wurde, natürlich komme ichh dann, ich werde dagegen protestieren. Es ist meine Gesundheit, die Gesundheit meiner Kinder.", sagte ein Einheimischer.
Ein Demonstrant zitierte sarkastisch, während die Platanen abgeholzt wurden, weil ihre Blüten bei vielen Menschen zu allergischen Reaktionen führen würden, wurden die Tannen und Linden ebenfalls radikal abgeholzt.
Aktivisten haben auch die Stadt darauf hingewiesen, dass das Fällen von Bäumen in Erholungsgebieten, um Polizei-Einrichtungen zu bauen, aufgrund der Gesetzte nicht zulässig ist..
In einem anderen Fall hat Transparency International Georgien berichtet, dass die Stadtverwaltung einen Vertrag unterzeichnete, Zypressen von der Greenservice Firma zu kaufen, um all die alten Bäume, die auf der Barataschwili Straße gefällt wurden, zu ersetzen .
Der einzige Bieter an der Ausschreibung, die Firma Greenservice, gehört zwei ehemalige Beamten der Stadt, und stellte der Stadt eine Rechnung, wo der Preis pro Baum 33-mal höher war, als die Stadt für ähnliche Aufträge bezahlt, sagte Transparency.
Die
Stadtverwaltung stornierte später den Vertrag mit Greenservice - eine
Entscheidung, die Transparency International Georgien begrüßte.
Umweltaktivisten haben der Stadt für das Fällen von Bäumen verantwortlich gemacht, und forderten, dass solche Entscheidungen von Fachleuten und nicht von Beamten der Stadt vorgenommen werden.
Labels:
Georgia,
Government,
NGO,
Protest,
Tbilisi
Location:
Baratashvili St, Tiflis, Georgien
POLITIK: Wird sich der Umzug des Parlamentes von Tbilisi nach Kutaisi auszahlen? Von Molly Corso (eurasianet.org)
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| Designed by Spanish architect Alberto Domingo Kabo, the new parliament uses a mixture of glass and steel. |
(eurasianet.org) Wenn es um öffentliche Bauaufträge geht, dann heißt stattlich gleich verschwenderisch. Ein Beispiel dafür ist das neue georgische Parlamentsgebäude in Kutaisi, dass zwar offiziell eingeweiht am Unabhängigkeitstag aber immer noch im Bau ist. Kutaisi, eine ehemalige Industriestadt, hegt die Hoffnung, durch den Umzug des Parlamentes, seinen Rost abschütteln zu können.
Für die Beamten ist das neue Parlamentsgebäude ein modernistisches Meisterwerk, welches die Sanierung einer wirtschaftlich schwachen Region vorantreiben wird. Nach der Fertigstellung wird dieses Gebäudes aus Glas, den Gesetzgebern mit 4.200 Quadratmetern Fläche dafür genügend Spielraum geben.
Georgiens Präsident Michail Saakaschwili, der den kommunalen Gebäuden in ganz Georgien einen neuen Look verpassen will, sagte, dass das Projekt Kutaisi die Zukunft des Landes verkörpert. "Das neue Georgien [wird] modern, effektvoll und transparent sein", sagte er Teilnehmern der Gebäudepräsentation am 26. Mai.
Kritiker meinen hingegen, das Parlament käme direkt aus der klassischen Science-Fiction-Serie Star Trek, es ist ein Symbol einer überaktiven Phantasie. Unabhängig von den ästhetischen Qualitäten des Gebäudes, ist es für sie gerade ein Sinnbild für die Verschlossenheit und Eigenwilligkeit der Regierung Saakshvili. Schließlich wird der Umzug des Parlaments von Tiflis nach Kutaissi nichts anderes als eine kolossale Verschwendung von Geld bedeuten.
Der georgischen Young Lawyers Association (GYLA) kritisierte die Regierung für den totalen Mangel an Transparenz über die Kosten, die Entwicklung und die Konstruktion des neuen Parlamentes. Es dauerte zwei Jahre herauszufinden, wie viel die Regierung für das Parlament ausgibt und wo die Mittel herkommen. Der gesamte Bau wird nun auf 82,5 Mio. Dollar (ca. 133,7 Mio. Lari) geschätzt. Nino Tvaltvadze, GYLA Development Manager in Kutaisi, behauptet, dass die Regierung bislang nicht auf die Frage geantwortet hat, welche staatliche Behörde dafür zuständig ist und wer für die Aufsicht über das Projekt verantwortlich ist.
Das neue Parlament wird nicht offiziell eröffnet bis zu den Parlamentswahlen Anfang Oktober. Das alte Parlament aus der Sowjet-Ära mit seinen 540 Zimmerns soll privatisiert werden. Die Zeit wird zeigen ob die die Arbeit des Parlamentes in Kutaisi den Erwartungen der Regierung entspricht. Die Debatte darüber wird sich in den kommenden Wochen intensivieren, auch was die die Tragödie auf der Baustelle betrifft.
Eine 30-jährige Bauarbeiter wurde am 7. Juni getötet, als das Gerüst des Parlaments umstürzte. Es war der dritte Todesfall auf der Baustelle seit dem Jahr 2009. Die Baufirma hat lokale Berichte dementiert, dass 20 Menschen bei dem Vorfall am 7. Juni verletzt wurden. Saakashvili war "sehr verärgert" über die Panne, wie er im Fernsehen bemerkte. Seiner Meinung nach war Unaufmerksamkeit die Ursache, und er empfahl eine strafrechtliche Untersuchung.
Für Kutaisi, einer Stadt mit 196.800 Einwohnern - etwa zwei Autostunden westlich von Tiflis gelegen, ist das Parlament ein Zeichen für die Wiederherstellung seines verblichenen Ruhmes. Dieser Tage oft verspottet als Provinznest, war Kutaisi die georgischen Hauptstadt von 978 bis 1122, und enthält zwei UNESCO-Welterbestätten - die Bagrati-Kathedrale und in den Außenbezirken, das Kloster Gelati - beide während der Blütezeit der Stadt gebaut.
Der anstehende Umzug des Parlaments von Tbilisi nach Kutaisi hat nicht nur den Bau des Parlamentsgebäudes zur Folge, sondern auch ein neuer Flughafen mit einem 55-Meter hohen Turm der Flugsicherung soll errichtet werden. Darüber hinaus wurde ein Teil der Innenstadt, darunter die Oper, renoviert und drei neue gläserne kommunale Bürogebäude, einschließlich eines administrativen Zentrums (im futuristischen "Shopping-Mall"-Stil) erbaut.
Da Kutaisi immer im Schatten von Tbilisi, aber auch der Hafenstadt Batumi stand, begrüßen die Bewohner den Zustrom von Aufmerksamkeit und Ressourcen. "Natürlich hoffen wir, dass die Dinge besser sein werden -, dass Unternehmen besser und die Leute wieder beschäftigt sein werden", sagte Supermarkt-Filialleiter Fati Gogatishvili. Derzeit liegt die offizielle lokale Arbeitslosenquote bei 9,3 Prozent.
Viele erhoffen sich wirtschaftliche Vorteile von den 150 Parlaments-Mitgliedern und deren Familien. Um sie zu ermutigen, plant die Regierung Wohnräume für die Parlamentarier in der Nähe der Sowjet-Kurstadt Tsqaltubo zu bauen. Die Abgeordneten, die nicht aus der Region stammen, werden Reisestipendien erhalten. Ein Abgeordneter, der EurasiaNet.org kontaktierte, sagte, es sei "zu früh" darüber zu spekulieren, ob die Abgeordneten tatsächlich umziehen werden.
Bis heute wurden jedoch kaum Arbeitsplätze geschaffen - außer auf dem Bausektor beschränkt. Laut MagtiStyle, der in Tiflis sitzenden Baufirma für die Erichtung des Parlaments, haben etwa 200 lokale Arbeiter einen Job bei dem Bau des Parlaments bekommen.
Sobald das Gesetzgebungsverfahren für den Umzug abgeschlossen ist, sollen Jobs zu erwarten sein. Bisher, sagen die Einheimischen, haben sie keine Veränderungen bemerkt. Weder neue Geschäfte, Kanzleien oder gar Restaurants wurden eröffnet. Jedoch sind die Preise für Waren im Einzelhandel und für Immobilien gestiegen.
Laut Misha Tigashvili, der Generaldirektor des Kutaisi Free Zone - ein steuerfreies Investment-Projekt -, werden Investitionen und Arbeitsplätze durch das neue Kutaisi geschaffen. Tigashvili, der die ägyptische Firma Fresh im Jahr 2009 nach Kutaisi brachte, erzählte, dass sein ägyptischen Partner insgesamt bis zu 10 Millionen Dollar in ein Hotel in der Nähe des neuen Parlaments investieren will.
Solche Investitionen und wirtschaftlichen Aktivitäten könnten ein entscheidender Aspekt für die Rechtfertigung des Umzuges des Parlaments sein, kommentierte Lawrence J. Vale, Professor für Städtebau und Planung am Massachusetts Institute of Technology. "Denn solche Schritte können eine Vielzahl von Motiven haben - sie können einerseits produktiv und aber andererseits äußerst verdächtig sein - es ist besonders wichtig, alles genau zu beobachten, um größere politische Trends zu diagnostizieren", sagte Vale.
Von Molly Corso ... Sie ist eine freier Journalistin, und arbeitet auch als Herausgeber der Investor.ge, eine monatlich erscheinende Publikation von der American Chamber of Commerce in Georgien.
Labels:
Alberto Domingo Kabo,
Bagrati Cathedral,
Gelati,
Government,
GYLA,
Kutaisi,
Law,
Mikhail Saakaschwili,
Misha Tigashvili,
Molly Corso,
Nino Tvaltvadze,
Tsqaltubo,
UNESCO
Location:
Kutaissi, Georgien
Tuesday, March 08, 2011
WIRTSCHAFT: Ausländische Investoren. Gefangen in Tiflis (wiwo.de)
Von Paul M. Barrett (Bloomberg Businessweek)
Unter Mitarbeit von Helena Bedwell.
In Werbekampagnen wirbt Georgien um ausländische Investoren. Doch wie gefährlich Geschäfte in Georgien sind, zeigt der Fall Rony Fuchs, in dem auch der Allianz-Konzern eine wichtige Rolle spielt.
Seit Oktober sitzt Rony Fuchs wegen geplanter Beamtenbestechung in einem Gefängnis in Tiflis. Peinlich dabei: Das Land, das sich öffentlichkeitswirksam dem Kampf gegen Korruption und Vetternwirtschaft verschrieben hat, schuldet dem Geschäftsmann zufällig auch 100 Millionen Dollar.
Die Einladung an Ölhändler Rony Fuchs war äußerst ungewöhnlich. Nika Gilauri, Ministerpräsident Georgiens, lud ihn in den Schwarzmeer-Urlaubsort Batumi ein. Es ging darum, einen Vergleich in einem handelsrechtlichen Streitfall zu schließen, in dem Fuchs seit fast 15 Jahren rund 100 Millionen Dollar vom georgischen Staat fordert. „Ein solches Treffen gibt uns die Gelegenheit, alle Einzelheiten zu besprechen, und wird zweifellos einen positiven Beitrag zu einer einvernehmlichen Lösung der Angelegenheit leisten“, schrieb der Ministerpräsident. Das Briefpapier trug das offizielle Siegel und den Briefkopf der ehemaligen Sowjetrepublik, und Gilauri hatte schwungvoll unterschrieben. Das war im vergangenen Oktober.
Fuchs entschloss sich zu der Reise. Der israelische Geschäftsmann ist als Investor in der Türkei tätig und dient gleichzeitig als türkischer Honorarkonsul – eine Position, in der er wirtschaftliche Belange mit inoffizieller Diplomatie verbindet. Zuvor arbeitete er 15 Jahre lang in New York als Energiehändler, und er ist mit dem israelischen Präsidenten Shimon Peres befreundet. Aus jahrzehntelanger Erfahrung mit der unübersichtlichen Interessenlage im Überschneidungsbereich von Handel und Politik interpretierte Fuchs Gilauris Brief als Signal: Georgien, vermutete er, wollte endlich den Streit beilegen, der zurückreicht bis zur Lossagung des Landes von Moskau.
Der ganze Text >>>
Unter Mitarbeit von Helena Bedwell.
In Werbekampagnen wirbt Georgien um ausländische Investoren. Doch wie gefährlich Geschäfte in Georgien sind, zeigt der Fall Rony Fuchs, in dem auch der Allianz-Konzern eine wichtige Rolle spielt.
Seit Oktober sitzt Rony Fuchs wegen geplanter Beamtenbestechung in einem Gefängnis in Tiflis. Peinlich dabei: Das Land, das sich öffentlichkeitswirksam dem Kampf gegen Korruption und Vetternwirtschaft verschrieben hat, schuldet dem Geschäftsmann zufällig auch 100 Millionen Dollar.
Die Einladung an Ölhändler Rony Fuchs war äußerst ungewöhnlich. Nika Gilauri, Ministerpräsident Georgiens, lud ihn in den Schwarzmeer-Urlaubsort Batumi ein. Es ging darum, einen Vergleich in einem handelsrechtlichen Streitfall zu schließen, in dem Fuchs seit fast 15 Jahren rund 100 Millionen Dollar vom georgischen Staat fordert. „Ein solches Treffen gibt uns die Gelegenheit, alle Einzelheiten zu besprechen, und wird zweifellos einen positiven Beitrag zu einer einvernehmlichen Lösung der Angelegenheit leisten“, schrieb der Ministerpräsident. Das Briefpapier trug das offizielle Siegel und den Briefkopf der ehemaligen Sowjetrepublik, und Gilauri hatte schwungvoll unterschrieben. Das war im vergangenen Oktober.
Fuchs entschloss sich zu der Reise. Der israelische Geschäftsmann ist als Investor in der Türkei tätig und dient gleichzeitig als türkischer Honorarkonsul – eine Position, in der er wirtschaftliche Belange mit inoffizieller Diplomatie verbindet. Zuvor arbeitete er 15 Jahre lang in New York als Energiehändler, und er ist mit dem israelischen Präsidenten Shimon Peres befreundet. Aus jahrzehntelanger Erfahrung mit der unübersichtlichen Interessenlage im Überschneidungsbereich von Handel und Politik interpretierte Fuchs Gilauris Brief als Signal: Georgien, vermutete er, wollte endlich den Streit beilegen, der zurückreicht bis zur Lossagung des Landes von Moskau.
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Friday, November 05, 2010
ARTICLE: The lightness of history in the Caucasus. By Thomas de Waal (opendemocracy.net)
The Caucasus is often depicted as a region of peoples locked in enduring and invariant nationalist enmity. The reality is more complex and therefore more hopeful, says Thomas de Waal. (Thomas de Waal is a Senior Associate for the Caucasus at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington.)
The south Caucasus is one of those places where people like to say that the “weight of history” lies heavily. Increasingly, I raise a dissenting voice. True, history lies all round you in this region, not least in its regular invocation by modern politicians. To name but one example: after his inauguration as president in January 2004, Mikheil Saakashvili chose to travel to the tomb of the man widely regarded as Georgia’s greatest king, David the Builder, who reigned from 1089-1125.
But the idea that the call of history determines and drives the people of this region into intractable conflict must not be taken at face value. And sometimes history is only as weighty as you allow it to be. The more you look into the Caucasian past, the more it fractures into a mosaic of different narratives, many of them ones of cooperation as well as conflict. If we take a more sceptical - even postmodern - view of the history of this region, we will be doing it a service.
I have been writing about the Caucasus for years but when I started in 2009 to research a short book about the region - which became The Caucasus: An Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2010) - even I was surprised by how some of the historical facts I learned challenged many of today’s dominant political narratives. Three examples make the point.
First, in Russia’s wars of 1820s against the Ottomans, Armenians and Azerbaijanis fought side by side in the Tsarist army. At that historical juncture, the Shi’a-Sunni divide overrode any notions of Turkic brotherhood. Alexander Pushkin himself witnessed the “Karabakh regiment” composed of Azeri cavalry in action outside Kars, and wrote an admiring poem dedicated to one of its officers, Farhad-Bek. That should caution against making any instant assumption about an eternal Azerbaijani-Turkish alliance, which often fuel political attitudes over the Nagorny Karabakh conflict (and which the Armenian-Turkish normalisation process, albeit thus far unsuccessful, has also somewhat shaken).
Second, the way that the Abkhaz-Georgian-Russian interrelationship has reshuffled since the 1850s challenges conventional wisdom. In the decades after Georgia fell was annexed by Russia in 1801, and increasingly throughout the 19th century, the Russian authorities ensured that Georgian aristocrats became loyal servants of the Tsar by allowing them to ascend the imperial career-ladder while keeping their noble status. At the same time, the Russians regarded the Abkhaz as wild pro-Turkish tribesmen and implacable enemies.
In 1852 the Russian general Grigory Filipson complained that his soldiers could not step outside their Black Sea fortress without fear of being killed by Abkhaz malcontents: “In a word, we occupy Abkhazia but we do not rule it.” In the last quarter of the 19th century the Russians’ deportation of the Abkhaz from their homeland facilitated the immigration of Georgians into Abkhazia, redrawing the demographic map and seeding the ground for conflict in the 20th century. This history raises question marks about the durability of the Abkhaz-Russian relationship, and indeed of Russian-Georgian hostility.
A third surprise to me was to learn how Georgia’s first declaration of independence in the 20th century was, in geopolitical orientation, 180 degrees different from the second. In May 1918, in the wake of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and when Georgia was threatened by an imminent Turkish invasion, the head of the Tbilisi government, Noe Zhordania, reluctantly declared Georgia independent. Zhordania, whose Menshevik (social-democratic) party traced its roots to the split with the Bolsheviks in 1903-04, voiced his ambivalence over breaking the bond with Russia: “Our ancestors decided to turn away from the east and turn to the west. But the road to the west lay through Russia and consequently to go towards the west meant union with Russia.”
Zhordania’s independent republic lasted almost three years until Georgia’s incorporation into the Soviet Union in 1921. Amid the USSR’s slow disintegration seven decades on, Georgia embarked on a second and more successful attempt at independence. This time, Russia was called the colonialist enemy while Turkey became a newly discovered friendly neighbour. Again, this suggests that if Georgia’s striving for self-sufficiency can be regarded as a historical constant the nature of its alliances is not.
The power ledgers
“Why should we care?”, you may ask. “Aren’t these historical examples merely interesting but irrelevant anecdotes when set against the immediate tensions and problems of the region?” I don’t believe so, for two reasons.
First, these historical shifts suggest that there is nothing culturally determined about the smouldering conflicts of the Caucasus. It shows that they have nothing to do with “ethnic incompatibility” or “ancient hatreds”, but rather arise - and can fade - according to changes of interest or calculation; and it usefully refocuses our attention on the Soviet period and the two decades immediately preceding it.
For the roots of the Caucasian conflicts lie here (or so I believe): not in the distant past but in the way the Soviet system stored up problems by smothering the political grievances amongst its constituent peoples with bribes and the threat of force, rather than genuinely arbitrating between them (which might have led to a culture of accommodation and flexibility). When the policeman from Moscow abandoned his post, everyone was left in a chronic sense of insecurity - and some saw the opportunity to grasp hold of deadly historical narratives that Soviet Caucasian intellectuals had been nurturing for decades. Bad history became the ammunition for feuding regional elites.
But not everywhere - for some potential areas of tension proved the exception, showing that history can also be a resource that resists crude instrumentalisation. The Soviet crack-up reignited long-frozen conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh, but another conflict with roots in the pre-Soviet era - the one in Adzharia, southwestern Georgia, once part of the Ottoman empire and whose inhabitants are largely Muslim - did not revive. A major reason for this, in my view, is that the absence of Turkey and Islam as identity-markers in any Soviet-era regional quarrels meant that these couldn’t now act as catalysts for conflict between Adzharians and other Georgians.
This openness of history to surprising directions is reflected too in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over the enclave of Nagorny Karabakh. This is no primordial or civilisational clash, but better described as a clash between two emerging nation-states each of which saw this totemic territory as a cause to be mobilised and a crux of their new-old identity.
There is nothing ethnically incompatible about Armenians and Azeris. They had decent rates of intermarriage in Soviet times, and today trade and interact freely on the territory of Georgia and Russia. That makes me conclude that the challenge in the Karabakh dispute is not about reconciling ordinary people but about reconciling political narratives. It comes down to both security and symbolism: if a settlement can be designed which fulfils the security needs of each side and in which their proud attachment to Karabakh is honoured, most people should have no problem in supporting it - and everyone will be a long way towards a solution.
The other stories
If the first historical lesson is that the region’s conflicts are not predestined, the second is that the Caucasus is not as bloody as it looks. The locals fight when they have to, but also have sophisticated ways of not fighting. I am not of course saying that the Caucasus is a non-violent, vegetarian kind of place. Denmark it is not. There is a strong culture of violence and weapons here, but I would argue that this is often an expressive substitute for real killing.
The conflicts of the south Caucasus in the 1990s, great tragedies as they were, exemplify the point. Their most striking feature was the vast number of displaced people - a total of almost 1.5 million in three years - rather than numbers killed (the body-count was far smaller than in the contemporaneous war in Bosnia, for example). This was a grave regional humanitarian catastrophe. But it also points to the fact that in both Karabakh and Abkhazia, advancing soldiers generally preferred to terrify civilians into flight rather than to kill them. The exceptions, such as the massacre at Khojali in February 1992 and some of the atrocities in Abkhazia, were as a rule committed by more ruthless incomers not locals.
Again, as well as the people who did not die, there were the conflicts that did not happen. To the Adzharia example could be added the mixed Armenian-Georgian region of Javakheti (which saw a brief war in 1918) and the case of the Lezghins who live on either side of the Dagestan-Azerbaijan border, but who have chosen not to agitate for reunification. Likewise, Georgians and Ossetians on the ground in South Ossetia twice (after the fighting of 1991-92 and 2004) managed to carry on living and trading together despite political conflict, before their interaction was tragically cut short by the war of August 2008.
All this underlines a deep history of pragmatism in the south Caucasus which is there, just below the surface, if you care to look for it.
Caucasian political elites who find that exploiting regional tensions is a useful means of consolidating their power have no interest in telling these stories of unglamorous pragmatic coexistence, but foreign visitors and politicians are under no such obligation. They can narrate these alternative stories when they travel to the region and spread the message that history can be light cloak as well as heavy armour.
source: www.opendemocracy.net
The south Caucasus is one of those places where people like to say that the “weight of history” lies heavily. Increasingly, I raise a dissenting voice. True, history lies all round you in this region, not least in its regular invocation by modern politicians. To name but one example: after his inauguration as president in January 2004, Mikheil Saakashvili chose to travel to the tomb of the man widely regarded as Georgia’s greatest king, David the Builder, who reigned from 1089-1125.
But the idea that the call of history determines and drives the people of this region into intractable conflict must not be taken at face value. And sometimes history is only as weighty as you allow it to be. The more you look into the Caucasian past, the more it fractures into a mosaic of different narratives, many of them ones of cooperation as well as conflict. If we take a more sceptical - even postmodern - view of the history of this region, we will be doing it a service.
I have been writing about the Caucasus for years but when I started in 2009 to research a short book about the region - which became The Caucasus: An Introduction (Oxford University Press, 2010) - even I was surprised by how some of the historical facts I learned challenged many of today’s dominant political narratives. Three examples make the point.
First, in Russia’s wars of 1820s against the Ottomans, Armenians and Azerbaijanis fought side by side in the Tsarist army. At that historical juncture, the Shi’a-Sunni divide overrode any notions of Turkic brotherhood. Alexander Pushkin himself witnessed the “Karabakh regiment” composed of Azeri cavalry in action outside Kars, and wrote an admiring poem dedicated to one of its officers, Farhad-Bek. That should caution against making any instant assumption about an eternal Azerbaijani-Turkish alliance, which often fuel political attitudes over the Nagorny Karabakh conflict (and which the Armenian-Turkish normalisation process, albeit thus far unsuccessful, has also somewhat shaken).
Second, the way that the Abkhaz-Georgian-Russian interrelationship has reshuffled since the 1850s challenges conventional wisdom. In the decades after Georgia fell was annexed by Russia in 1801, and increasingly throughout the 19th century, the Russian authorities ensured that Georgian aristocrats became loyal servants of the Tsar by allowing them to ascend the imperial career-ladder while keeping their noble status. At the same time, the Russians regarded the Abkhaz as wild pro-Turkish tribesmen and implacable enemies.
In 1852 the Russian general Grigory Filipson complained that his soldiers could not step outside their Black Sea fortress without fear of being killed by Abkhaz malcontents: “In a word, we occupy Abkhazia but we do not rule it.” In the last quarter of the 19th century the Russians’ deportation of the Abkhaz from their homeland facilitated the immigration of Georgians into Abkhazia, redrawing the demographic map and seeding the ground for conflict in the 20th century. This history raises question marks about the durability of the Abkhaz-Russian relationship, and indeed of Russian-Georgian hostility.
A third surprise to me was to learn how Georgia’s first declaration of independence in the 20th century was, in geopolitical orientation, 180 degrees different from the second. In May 1918, in the wake of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and when Georgia was threatened by an imminent Turkish invasion, the head of the Tbilisi government, Noe Zhordania, reluctantly declared Georgia independent. Zhordania, whose Menshevik (social-democratic) party traced its roots to the split with the Bolsheviks in 1903-04, voiced his ambivalence over breaking the bond with Russia: “Our ancestors decided to turn away from the east and turn to the west. But the road to the west lay through Russia and consequently to go towards the west meant union with Russia.”
Zhordania’s independent republic lasted almost three years until Georgia’s incorporation into the Soviet Union in 1921. Amid the USSR’s slow disintegration seven decades on, Georgia embarked on a second and more successful attempt at independence. This time, Russia was called the colonialist enemy while Turkey became a newly discovered friendly neighbour. Again, this suggests that if Georgia’s striving for self-sufficiency can be regarded as a historical constant the nature of its alliances is not.
The power ledgers
“Why should we care?”, you may ask. “Aren’t these historical examples merely interesting but irrelevant anecdotes when set against the immediate tensions and problems of the region?” I don’t believe so, for two reasons.
First, these historical shifts suggest that there is nothing culturally determined about the smouldering conflicts of the Caucasus. It shows that they have nothing to do with “ethnic incompatibility” or “ancient hatreds”, but rather arise - and can fade - according to changes of interest or calculation; and it usefully refocuses our attention on the Soviet period and the two decades immediately preceding it.
For the roots of the Caucasian conflicts lie here (or so I believe): not in the distant past but in the way the Soviet system stored up problems by smothering the political grievances amongst its constituent peoples with bribes and the threat of force, rather than genuinely arbitrating between them (which might have led to a culture of accommodation and flexibility). When the policeman from Moscow abandoned his post, everyone was left in a chronic sense of insecurity - and some saw the opportunity to grasp hold of deadly historical narratives that Soviet Caucasian intellectuals had been nurturing for decades. Bad history became the ammunition for feuding regional elites.
But not everywhere - for some potential areas of tension proved the exception, showing that history can also be a resource that resists crude instrumentalisation. The Soviet crack-up reignited long-frozen conflicts in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh, but another conflict with roots in the pre-Soviet era - the one in Adzharia, southwestern Georgia, once part of the Ottoman empire and whose inhabitants are largely Muslim - did not revive. A major reason for this, in my view, is that the absence of Turkey and Islam as identity-markers in any Soviet-era regional quarrels meant that these couldn’t now act as catalysts for conflict between Adzharians and other Georgians.
This openness of history to surprising directions is reflected too in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict over the enclave of Nagorny Karabakh. This is no primordial or civilisational clash, but better described as a clash between two emerging nation-states each of which saw this totemic territory as a cause to be mobilised and a crux of their new-old identity.
There is nothing ethnically incompatible about Armenians and Azeris. They had decent rates of intermarriage in Soviet times, and today trade and interact freely on the territory of Georgia and Russia. That makes me conclude that the challenge in the Karabakh dispute is not about reconciling ordinary people but about reconciling political narratives. It comes down to both security and symbolism: if a settlement can be designed which fulfils the security needs of each side and in which their proud attachment to Karabakh is honoured, most people should have no problem in supporting it - and everyone will be a long way towards a solution.
The other stories
If the first historical lesson is that the region’s conflicts are not predestined, the second is that the Caucasus is not as bloody as it looks. The locals fight when they have to, but also have sophisticated ways of not fighting. I am not of course saying that the Caucasus is a non-violent, vegetarian kind of place. Denmark it is not. There is a strong culture of violence and weapons here, but I would argue that this is often an expressive substitute for real killing.
The conflicts of the south Caucasus in the 1990s, great tragedies as they were, exemplify the point. Their most striking feature was the vast number of displaced people - a total of almost 1.5 million in three years - rather than numbers killed (the body-count was far smaller than in the contemporaneous war in Bosnia, for example). This was a grave regional humanitarian catastrophe. But it also points to the fact that in both Karabakh and Abkhazia, advancing soldiers generally preferred to terrify civilians into flight rather than to kill them. The exceptions, such as the massacre at Khojali in February 1992 and some of the atrocities in Abkhazia, were as a rule committed by more ruthless incomers not locals.
Again, as well as the people who did not die, there were the conflicts that did not happen. To the Adzharia example could be added the mixed Armenian-Georgian region of Javakheti (which saw a brief war in 1918) and the case of the Lezghins who live on either side of the Dagestan-Azerbaijan border, but who have chosen not to agitate for reunification. Likewise, Georgians and Ossetians on the ground in South Ossetia twice (after the fighting of 1991-92 and 2004) managed to carry on living and trading together despite political conflict, before their interaction was tragically cut short by the war of August 2008.
All this underlines a deep history of pragmatism in the south Caucasus which is there, just below the surface, if you care to look for it.
Caucasian political elites who find that exploiting regional tensions is a useful means of consolidating their power have no interest in telling these stories of unglamorous pragmatic coexistence, but foreign visitors and politicians are under no such obligation. They can narrate these alternative stories when they travel to the region and spread the message that history can be light cloak as well as heavy armour.
source: www.opendemocracy.net
Friday, January 22, 2010
POLICY: Sweden to open ten embassies and close six - open office in Georgia (sweden.gov.se)
The Government decided today to close Sweden's embassies in Bratislava, Dakar, Dublin, Ljubljana, Luxembourg and Sofia in the course of this year. At the same time, ten embassies will be opened, partly based on existing section offices.
The Government intends to strengthen Sweden's presence in the Caucasus and the Balkans by upgrading to embassies the present section offices in Pristina (Kosovo), Tbilisi (Georgia), Chisinau (Moldova) and Tirana (Albania). Similarly, Sweden's presence in West Africa will be strengthened by upgrading the section offices in Bamako (Mali), Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso) and Monrovia (Liberia). Section offices will also be upgraded to embassies in Kigali (Rwanda), La Paz (Bolivia) and Phnom Penh (Cambodia).
"Within the framework of the close cooperation that exists between the EU Member States, there is scope for developing new forms for maintaining bilateral contacts in future," says Minister for Foreign Affairs Carl Bildt.
"We want to be where we make the best possible use of the money that a Swedish presence costs. It is positive that we can use our resources to strengthen Sweden's presence in a number of nearby countries," Mr Bildt continues.
"Upgrading section offices to embassies is part of the process of supporting the implementation of Swedish-financed development assistance contributions in countries with which we conduct long-term development cooperation. A stronger presence on the spot is tremendously important for implementing effective, high quality and results-based development cooperation," says Minister for International Development Cooperation Gunilla Carlsson.
The Swedish Foreign Service changes with the world around it. With today's decision and announced changes, Sweden will have opened 40 missions abroad and closed 54 between 1990 and the end of 2010.
The Government intends to strengthen Sweden's presence in the Caucasus and the Balkans by upgrading to embassies the present section offices in Pristina (Kosovo), Tbilisi (Georgia), Chisinau (Moldova) and Tirana (Albania). Similarly, Sweden's presence in West Africa will be strengthened by upgrading the section offices in Bamako (Mali), Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso) and Monrovia (Liberia). Section offices will also be upgraded to embassies in Kigali (Rwanda), La Paz (Bolivia) and Phnom Penh (Cambodia).
"Within the framework of the close cooperation that exists between the EU Member States, there is scope for developing new forms for maintaining bilateral contacts in future," says Minister for Foreign Affairs Carl Bildt.
"We want to be where we make the best possible use of the money that a Swedish presence costs. It is positive that we can use our resources to strengthen Sweden's presence in a number of nearby countries," Mr Bildt continues.
"Upgrading section offices to embassies is part of the process of supporting the implementation of Swedish-financed development assistance contributions in countries with which we conduct long-term development cooperation. A stronger presence on the spot is tremendously important for implementing effective, high quality and results-based development cooperation," says Minister for International Development Cooperation Gunilla Carlsson.
The Swedish Foreign Service changes with the world around it. With today's decision and announced changes, Sweden will have opened 40 missions abroad and closed 54 between 1990 and the end of 2010.
source: www.sweden.gov.se
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+46 8 405 57 25
+46 70 867 39 94
CONTACT
Cecilia Julin
Head of Press, Information and Communication Department
+46 8 405 57 25
+46 70 867 39 94
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Wednesday, May 27, 2009
STATEMENT: Possenspiel. Mit Folgen? Von Ralph Hälbig
Erstmal möchte ich meine Überraschung zum Ausdruck bringen, wie auf einmal 60.000 Demonstranten auf ihren Sitzen in einem Stadion Platz genommen haben, nachdem wochenlang der Rustaveli Avenue vor dem Parlament und dem Marriot Hotel von ein paar Dutzend Oppositionellen blockiert war, nachdem nach den ersten beiden Demos in der Innenstadt gerade mal ein paar Hundert übrig geblieben sind. Die Opposition hatte damals schon keinen Rückhalt, oder besser gesagt einen launigen Rückhalt.
Opposition war und ist wohl nur Unzufriedenheit. Das reicht aber nicht, um politisch sinnvoll zu aggieren. Da scheint es auch nachvollziehbar zu sein, dass schon nach Stunden ein paar Anhänger für eine Übernachtungspauschale auch die Nächte dort zubrachten, beinahe wie in einem Zeltlager.
Nur der Müll wurde nicht weggebracht, das Wasser der kleinen Fontänen sprudelte nicht erfrischend. Zunehmend verrohte die Prachtstraße von Tbilisi. Händler kehrten zurück auf die Mitte der Straße mit ihren Sonnenblumenkernen und anderen Kleinigkeiten und Snacks, Zigaretten wurden verkauft, man schlief auf Bänken, spielte Nardi und wartete wochenlang. Alles blieb ruhig und unruhig schaute man, was wohl passieren würde. Eine merkwürdige Psychologie.
Auch die Oppositionellen brachten die ganze Zeit nur ihren Frust zum Ausdruck, genauso wie die Taxifahrer sich über die Blockade ihres geschäftigen Verkehrs emotional beschwerten, indem sie das Lenkrad während der Fahrt entlang verstopfter Umleitungen wütend malträtierten.
Bei einer spontanen nächtlichen Zusammenkunft vor ein paar Tagen fragte ich ein paar offizielle Handlanger der Opposition neben der Redner-Bühne, dass ich mir nicht ganz klar darüber sei, dass andauernd nur darüber krakeelt wird, dass der ehemals heißgeliebte Mischa weg müsse. Auf meine Frage, wie es denn weitergehen solle, was denn die Ziele seien, was verändert werden müssen etc. wurde barsch geantwortet, dass das erst nach dem Sturz Saakashvilis zur Debatte stünde. Und wenn er nicht gehe, werde man andere Mittel benötigen ...
Der Hauptvorwurf gegen Saakashvili ist das Versagen im Krieg des letzten Sommers. Das ist gewisserweise schon nachzuvollziehen. Anderenorts sind Politiker und Präsidenten über ganz andere Begebenheiten gestürtzt, Kleinigkeiten demgegenüber. Aber das Kardinalversprechen "Sakartvelo" (das Wort für das königliche Georgien) - die patriotische Geste eines einheitlichen Georgiens - wurde auch heute wieder lautstark im Stadion gesungen von der Opposition ... nicht zu einem Fußballspiel, sondern zum Auftakt des nächtlichen Marsches in die Innenstadt. Und das hat schon Mischa versprochen und ist daran gescheitert. So sind immer wieder neue Fahnenvorschläge langweilig. Überhaupt habe ich jede Menge Flaggen gesehen, Parteiflaggen und auch die abgehalfterten Fahnen aus der Zeit Shevardnadzes, flatterten wochenlang im Wind.
Der Patriotismus wird von allen Seiten bedient. Und der letzte Sommer hat gezeigt, dass man damit eben heutzutage nicht sehr weit kommt, so rührend das manchmal auch erscheint. Georgien lebt eben nicht mehr in der Zeit, dass es nützlich ist, dass die Fremden noch diese kaukasischen Krieger fürchteten und die kaukasischen Frauen die Allerschönsten der Welt waren.
Andererseits ist ein anderer zeitgemäßer Vorwurf gegen Saakashvili die Korruption. Kann sein! Ist sicher nicht auszuschließen auch in diesen Breitengraden. Das beginnt schon dann, wenn das Geschäftsgebaren auf Misstrauen beruht. Wenn es doppeltes Recht gibt. Doch wer soll denn eigentlich seinen Platz einnehmen? Ein Rädelsführer? Wo ist der gerechte und uneigennützige Vertreter zu sehen, wenn dieses Verhalten meistens als Führungsschwäche ausgelegt wird?

Der Burjanadze Clan genießt nun nicht gerade den seriösesten Ruf, was die Korruption betrifft. Führungsstark scheint er wohl zu sein. Alasania soll zu westlich sein, sagen manche (zumindest wirkt er sehr erzogen, ausgeglichen, besonnen und dipomatisch) ... die anden Oppositionellen sind oft zu kurzsichtig in ihrem Patriotismus, älter geworden mit dem Gefühl, nichts zu verlieren zu haben, andere sollen die Russen vertreten ...
Hin wie her, was diese Theorien, Behauptungen und Verschwörungen betrifft, ist jedenfalls für mich die Opposition genauso intransparent, wie die glasklaren Vorwürfe gegen den jetzigen Präsidenten. Es geht um Macht und wie sich das ganze danach gruppiert, mehr scheint es nicht zu sein. Zuweilen sind die Äußerungen und medialen Inszenierungen und Begleiterscheinungen mehr als blump - aber das ist ein weltweites Phänomen - und es funktioniert.
Politiker sind nun mal Interessenvertreter, abhängige und lausige manchmal noch dazu. Manchmal unterliegen sie einem enormen Druck, dann knabbert man schon einmal an seiner Krawatte. Doch wer sich dann sonst noch einmischt, ist eine interessante Frage, sollte mich aber nicht wirklich etwas angehen, denn ich liebe es ab und an, wenn für mich die Welt schön und beschaulich ist ... und ich mit Freunden zusammen sein kann und dabei andere, auch meine Gegner respektieren kann. Und das ist gut so, denn die Welt kann ja nicht die ganze Zeit von armen und überforderten Politikern und weltfremden Wirtschaftsbossen und Durchgeknallten geführt und bevölkert werden.
Aber um welche Interessen es sich bei dieser Posse handelt, ist mir gänzlich unklar. Und dass sich vor den Karren der zerstrittenen Opposition noch ein Sänger Georgiens spannen läßt, will mir erst recht nicht klar werden. Ist es Verzweiflung? Verzweiflung des Volkes Georgiens, welche sich auf die Prominenz projiziert. Unter diesem Gesichtspunkt könnte ich den Pathos auf dem Fußballfeld unter den Augen tausender Demonstraten verstehen.
Egal. Ich verstehe nur nur nicht, warum man grundsätzlich nicht fragt, worum es geht? Was Saakashvili vergeigt hat und warum ... und warum jetzt gerade solche merkwürdigen Oppositionellen wieder auftauchen, denen eigentlich auch kein Georgier mehr glaubt? Ist das alles eine unendliche Posse? Was soll das? Ich würde schon ganz gern mehr wissen wollen, doch das scheint wohl nicht möglich, oder? Auf jeden Fall, hoffe ich, das niemand durchdreht!! Ich habe viel Schönes an Georgien entdeckt ... ihre Mentalität oft erklärt und verteidigt!
Nun enttäuscht mich nicht, setzt euch an euren eigenen Tisch, haltet eine vernünftige Supra und kein Gelage mit Tollheiten ... und bringt euer Land voran! Und bitte: Oppositionelle Hysteriker gehören nicht an diese Tafel! Hört nicht zuviel auf die Russen, auf die Amerikaner, auf die Europäer und auf die Außerirdischen. Und wenn ihr Hilfe braucht, dann habt ihr sie auch verdient! Seit euch nicht zu fein, darum zu bitten. Schmeißt es nicht gleich wieder zum Fenster heraus. Bleibt gerecht! Auch in Zukunft! Und lasst euch nicht von den eigenen Landsleuten abzocken. Wenn es Ideen und Projekte gibt, dann kann man auch deutlich machen, wofür das Geld benötigt wird, ohne dass sich so ein Heinz alles in die Taschen steckt.
Und um auf den Anfang zurückzukommen, wie zum Teufel noch mal, waren auf einmal 60.000 Menschen nach vier Wochen Funkstille in einem Stadion? Kann mir das jemand erkären? Good bless you, Georgia!!
Opposition war und ist wohl nur Unzufriedenheit. Das reicht aber nicht, um politisch sinnvoll zu aggieren. Da scheint es auch nachvollziehbar zu sein, dass schon nach Stunden ein paar Anhänger für eine Übernachtungspauschale auch die Nächte dort zubrachten, beinahe wie in einem Zeltlager.
Nur der Müll wurde nicht weggebracht, das Wasser der kleinen Fontänen sprudelte nicht erfrischend. Zunehmend verrohte die Prachtstraße von Tbilisi. Händler kehrten zurück auf die Mitte der Straße mit ihren Sonnenblumenkernen und anderen Kleinigkeiten und Snacks, Zigaretten wurden verkauft, man schlief auf Bänken, spielte Nardi und wartete wochenlang. Alles blieb ruhig und unruhig schaute man, was wohl passieren würde. Eine merkwürdige Psychologie.
Auch die Oppositionellen brachten die ganze Zeit nur ihren Frust zum Ausdruck, genauso wie die Taxifahrer sich über die Blockade ihres geschäftigen Verkehrs emotional beschwerten, indem sie das Lenkrad während der Fahrt entlang verstopfter Umleitungen wütend malträtierten.
Bei einer spontanen nächtlichen Zusammenkunft vor ein paar Tagen fragte ich ein paar offizielle Handlanger der Opposition neben der Redner-Bühne, dass ich mir nicht ganz klar darüber sei, dass andauernd nur darüber krakeelt wird, dass der ehemals heißgeliebte Mischa weg müsse. Auf meine Frage, wie es denn weitergehen solle, was denn die Ziele seien, was verändert werden müssen etc. wurde barsch geantwortet, dass das erst nach dem Sturz Saakashvilis zur Debatte stünde. Und wenn er nicht gehe, werde man andere Mittel benötigen ...
Der Hauptvorwurf gegen Saakashvili ist das Versagen im Krieg des letzten Sommers. Das ist gewisserweise schon nachzuvollziehen. Anderenorts sind Politiker und Präsidenten über ganz andere Begebenheiten gestürtzt, Kleinigkeiten demgegenüber. Aber das Kardinalversprechen "Sakartvelo" (das Wort für das königliche Georgien) - die patriotische Geste eines einheitlichen Georgiens - wurde auch heute wieder lautstark im Stadion gesungen von der Opposition ... nicht zu einem Fußballspiel, sondern zum Auftakt des nächtlichen Marsches in die Innenstadt. Und das hat schon Mischa versprochen und ist daran gescheitert. So sind immer wieder neue Fahnenvorschläge langweilig. Überhaupt habe ich jede Menge Flaggen gesehen, Parteiflaggen und auch die abgehalfterten Fahnen aus der Zeit Shevardnadzes, flatterten wochenlang im Wind.
Der Patriotismus wird von allen Seiten bedient. Und der letzte Sommer hat gezeigt, dass man damit eben heutzutage nicht sehr weit kommt, so rührend das manchmal auch erscheint. Georgien lebt eben nicht mehr in der Zeit, dass es nützlich ist, dass die Fremden noch diese kaukasischen Krieger fürchteten und die kaukasischen Frauen die Allerschönsten der Welt waren.
Andererseits ist ein anderer zeitgemäßer Vorwurf gegen Saakashvili die Korruption. Kann sein! Ist sicher nicht auszuschließen auch in diesen Breitengraden. Das beginnt schon dann, wenn das Geschäftsgebaren auf Misstrauen beruht. Wenn es doppeltes Recht gibt. Doch wer soll denn eigentlich seinen Platz einnehmen? Ein Rädelsführer? Wo ist der gerechte und uneigennützige Vertreter zu sehen, wenn dieses Verhalten meistens als Führungsschwäche ausgelegt wird?

Der Burjanadze Clan genießt nun nicht gerade den seriösesten Ruf, was die Korruption betrifft. Führungsstark scheint er wohl zu sein. Alasania soll zu westlich sein, sagen manche (zumindest wirkt er sehr erzogen, ausgeglichen, besonnen und dipomatisch) ... die anden Oppositionellen sind oft zu kurzsichtig in ihrem Patriotismus, älter geworden mit dem Gefühl, nichts zu verlieren zu haben, andere sollen die Russen vertreten ...
Hin wie her, was diese Theorien, Behauptungen und Verschwörungen betrifft, ist jedenfalls für mich die Opposition genauso intransparent, wie die glasklaren Vorwürfe gegen den jetzigen Präsidenten. Es geht um Macht und wie sich das ganze danach gruppiert, mehr scheint es nicht zu sein. Zuweilen sind die Äußerungen und medialen Inszenierungen und Begleiterscheinungen mehr als blump - aber das ist ein weltweites Phänomen - und es funktioniert.
Politiker sind nun mal Interessenvertreter, abhängige und lausige manchmal noch dazu. Manchmal unterliegen sie einem enormen Druck, dann knabbert man schon einmal an seiner Krawatte. Doch wer sich dann sonst noch einmischt, ist eine interessante Frage, sollte mich aber nicht wirklich etwas angehen, denn ich liebe es ab und an, wenn für mich die Welt schön und beschaulich ist ... und ich mit Freunden zusammen sein kann und dabei andere, auch meine Gegner respektieren kann. Und das ist gut so, denn die Welt kann ja nicht die ganze Zeit von armen und überforderten Politikern und weltfremden Wirtschaftsbossen und Durchgeknallten geführt und bevölkert werden.
Aber um welche Interessen es sich bei dieser Posse handelt, ist mir gänzlich unklar. Und dass sich vor den Karren der zerstrittenen Opposition noch ein Sänger Georgiens spannen läßt, will mir erst recht nicht klar werden. Ist es Verzweiflung? Verzweiflung des Volkes Georgiens, welche sich auf die Prominenz projiziert. Unter diesem Gesichtspunkt könnte ich den Pathos auf dem Fußballfeld unter den Augen tausender Demonstraten verstehen.
Egal. Ich verstehe nur nur nicht, warum man grundsätzlich nicht fragt, worum es geht? Was Saakashvili vergeigt hat und warum ... und warum jetzt gerade solche merkwürdigen Oppositionellen wieder auftauchen, denen eigentlich auch kein Georgier mehr glaubt? Ist das alles eine unendliche Posse? Was soll das? Ich würde schon ganz gern mehr wissen wollen, doch das scheint wohl nicht möglich, oder? Auf jeden Fall, hoffe ich, das niemand durchdreht!! Ich habe viel Schönes an Georgien entdeckt ... ihre Mentalität oft erklärt und verteidigt!
Nun enttäuscht mich nicht, setzt euch an euren eigenen Tisch, haltet eine vernünftige Supra und kein Gelage mit Tollheiten ... und bringt euer Land voran! Und bitte: Oppositionelle Hysteriker gehören nicht an diese Tafel! Hört nicht zuviel auf die Russen, auf die Amerikaner, auf die Europäer und auf die Außerirdischen. Und wenn ihr Hilfe braucht, dann habt ihr sie auch verdient! Seit euch nicht zu fein, darum zu bitten. Schmeißt es nicht gleich wieder zum Fenster heraus. Bleibt gerecht! Auch in Zukunft! Und lasst euch nicht von den eigenen Landsleuten abzocken. Wenn es Ideen und Projekte gibt, dann kann man auch deutlich machen, wofür das Geld benötigt wird, ohne dass sich so ein Heinz alles in die Taschen steckt.
Und um auf den Anfang zurückzukommen, wie zum Teufel noch mal, waren auf einmal 60.000 Menschen nach vier Wochen Funkstille in einem Stadion? Kann mir das jemand erkären? Good bless you, Georgia!!
Labels:
Crisis,
Georgia,
Government,
Mikhail Saakaschwili,
Nino Burjanadze,
Opposition,
Tbilisi
Saturday, May 23, 2009
NEWS: Mutiny Suspect Dies in Tbilisi Gunfight (moscowtimes.ru)
TBILISI, Georgia -- Georgian police killed a former military officer accused of plotting a mutiny and wounded two suspected participants in an overnight gun battle near the capital.
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Friday, May 15, 2009
ANALYSIS: Georgia's political stalemate could end in violence (alertnet.org)
Source: Reuters
* Risk of violence rising in Georgia * Political deadlock between president and opposition
By Matt Robinson TBILISI, May 11 (Reuters) - The risk of violence is rising in Georgia after a month of political deadlock between a president determined to cling to power and an opposition which lacks the numbers and unity to unseat him.
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Labels:
Analyse,
Crisis,
Georgia,
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Tuesday, May 05, 2009
EURASIANET: GEORGIA: TBILISI PROTESTS PRODUCE A MOBILE PARLIAMENT (eurasianet.org)
By Giorgi Lomsadze 5/04/09
Tbilisi’s anti-government demonstrations have gotten Georgia’s parliament on the move. For the past three weeks, no plenary sittings have been held, and no laws passed. The shutdown has been presented as a measure to protect lawmakers from angry protesters, but some observers caution that it is a sign of the legislative branch’s weakness.
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Tbilisi’s anti-government demonstrations have gotten Georgia’s parliament on the move. For the past three weeks, no plenary sittings have been held, and no laws passed. The shutdown has been presented as a measure to protect lawmakers from angry protesters, but some observers caution that it is a sign of the legislative branch’s weakness.
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Labels:
EurasiaNet,
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Wednesday, April 15, 2009
BLOG: Saakaschwili twittert. Von Silvia Stöber (blog.tagesschau.de)
Der Krieg in Georgien ist etwas mehr als ein halbes Jahr her und wiederversammeln sich Journalisten aus aller Welt in der Hauptstadt Tiflis.Diesmal geht es um den Kopf von Präsident Saakaschwili und viele wartengespannt darauf, ob er oder die Opposition den längeren Atem haben wird.
Für die Journalisten jedenfalls wird von beiden Seiten viel getan -regelmäßige Briefings vom Innenministerium und von der Opposition, einPressecenter nahe dem Parlament, wo die Demonstrationen stattfinden, undAnsprechpartner, die rund um die Uhr zur Verfügung stehen. Dies alles, umden Journalisten ihre Wahrheit nahe zu bringen. Die Regierung macht sogarihre eigenen Kurznachrichten bei Twitter: www.twitter.com/govtofgeorgia
full blog >>>
Für die Journalisten jedenfalls wird von beiden Seiten viel getan -regelmäßige Briefings vom Innenministerium und von der Opposition, einPressecenter nahe dem Parlament, wo die Demonstrationen stattfinden, undAnsprechpartner, die rund um die Uhr zur Verfügung stehen. Dies alles, umden Journalisten ihre Wahrheit nahe zu bringen. Die Regierung macht sogarihre eigenen Kurznachrichten bei Twitter: www.twitter.com/govtofgeorgia
full blog >>>
Labels:
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Georgia,
Germany,
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Thursday, December 11, 2008
NACHRICHTEN: "Dokumentation, Machtpoker im Kaukasus."
medienhandbuch.de ZDF-Russland-Korrespondenten über "Machtpoker ... medienhandbuch.de (Pressemitteilung) - Hamburg, Germany
Russland gegen Georgien - plötzlich sind die düsteren Bilder des Kalten Krieges wieder da. Für die Dokumentation "Machtpoker im Kaukasus"...
Georgien: OSZE-Vertreter in Georgien unter Beschuss FOCUS Online - Germany
Am Mittwoch wurde ein gepanzertes Fahrzeug von OSZE-Beobachtern in Georgien beschossen.
Georgiens Präsident Saakaschwili besetzt Ministerposten neu WELT ONLINE - Germany
Neue Minister in Georgien sueddeutsche.de - München, Bayern, Germany
Tiflis - Vier Monate nach dem Krieg gegen Russland hat die georgische Regierung die Schlüsselressorts Verteidigung und Wirtschaft neu besetzt.
Russlands Generalstabschef dementiert Berichte über Invasionspläne ... RIA Novosti - Moscow, Russia
Russland plant keine Invasion in Georgien, während Tiflis weiterhin Spannungen in der Region schürt. Das erklärte Russlands Generalstabschef Nikolai Makarow ...
MEIN WEIHNACHTEN: Glückwünsche, Musik und viel gutes Essen Badische Zeitung - Baden-Württemberg, Germany
Russland gegen Georgien - plötzlich sind die düsteren Bilder des Kalten Krieges wieder da. Für die Dokumentation "Machtpoker im Kaukasus"...
Georgien: OSZE-Vertreter in Georgien unter Beschuss FOCUS Online - Germany
Am Mittwoch wurde ein gepanzertes Fahrzeug von OSZE-Beobachtern in Georgien beschossen.
Georgiens Präsident Saakaschwili besetzt Ministerposten neu WELT ONLINE - Germany
Neue Minister in Georgien sueddeutsche.de - München, Bayern, Germany
Tiflis - Vier Monate nach dem Krieg gegen Russland hat die georgische Regierung die Schlüsselressorts Verteidigung und Wirtschaft neu besetzt.
Russlands Generalstabschef dementiert Berichte über Invasionspläne ... RIA Novosti - Moscow, Russia
Russland plant keine Invasion in Georgien, während Tiflis weiterhin Spannungen in der Region schürt. Das erklärte Russlands Generalstabschef Nikolai Makarow ...
MEIN WEIHNACHTEN: Glückwünsche, Musik und viel gutes Essen Badische Zeitung - Baden-Württemberg, Germany
Labels:
Caucasus,
Geopolitic,
Georgia,
Government,
Mikhail Saakaschwili,
OSZE
Sunday, December 07, 2008
NACHRICHTEN: Die Nato kapituliert vor Russland
Die Nato kapituliert vor Russland WELT ONLINE - vor 11 Stunden gefunden
Keinen anderen Weg sieht die Nato auch für Georgien und die Ukraine vor. Der "Membership Action Plan", der zur Nato-Vollmitgliedschaft hinführt, ...
Nato hält Moskau auf Distanz Bündnis will nach dem Krieg Georgien ... sueddeutsche.de -1. Dez. 2008
Brüssel - Die Nato setzt ihren scharfen Kurs gegen Moskau fort und will zugleich Georgien entgegengekommen. Der Weg des Kaukasus-Staates zur Mitgliedschaft ...
Die Nato mahnt Moskau zur MässigungNZZ Online
Nato/Georgien: Deutschland gegen beschleunigte Nato-Aufnahme GeorgiensFOCUS Online
Georgien und Ukraine begrüßen Nato-ErweiterungsbeschlussReuters Deutschland
Nato streitet über Beitrittsverfahren für Georgien und UkraineSpiegel Online
Georgien: Regierungsumbildung in Georgien FOCUS Online - 5. Dez. 2008
Wie Ministerpräsident Grigol Mgaloblischwili am Freitag mitteilte, sind sowohl der georgische Verteidigungsminister wie auch die Außenministerin entlassen ...
Außen- und Verteidigungsminister in Georgien ausgewechseltReuters Deutschland
Georgiens Außenministerin entlassenKleine Zeitung
Verteidigungs- und Außenminister entlassenWELT ONLINE
Ukraine und Georgien müssen weiter warten Spiegel Online - 2. Dez. 2008
Einigung der Außenminister der Nato in Brüssel: Ein Bündnisbeitritt der Ukraine und Georgiens im Schnellverfahren ist nach heftigem Streit vom Tisch. ...
Wieder Gespräche mit Russland - Ukraine und Georgien müssen wartenFrankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung
NATO bremst rasche Aufnahme von Georgien und der UkraineDeutsche Welle
Kein beschleunigter NATO-Beitritt für Georgien und UkraineAFP
Georgien: Opposition in Georgien will vorgezogene Präsidentschaftswahl FOCUS Online - 3. Dez. 2008
Weil der derzeitige georgische Staatschef Michail Saakaschwili bei allen wichtigen politischen Themen gescheitert ist, fordert die Oppositionsführerin ...
"Russland hat den Einmarsch monatelang geplant"Tagesspiegel
Merkel gegen Nato-Pläne der USATagesspiegel
Saakaschwili warnt Berlin vor „Verrat“Tagesspiegel
OSZE: Die Georgien-Krise und ihre Folgen FOCUS Online - 4. Dez. 2008
Die Georgien-Krise stand heute im Mittelpunkt des OSZE-Ministerrats in Helsinki. Die OSZE entsendet seit den 90er Jahren Beobachter in den Kaukasus, ...
Kaukasus-Krise macht neue Sicherheitsarchitektur in Europa ...RIA Novosti
Stühlerücken in Georgien: Über Gerüchte und wie sie wahr werden ... Georgien Nachrichten - 5. Dez. 2008
Wenn man Nachrichten aus Georgien übersetzt, dann hat man es nicht nur mit einer seit der Machtübernahme von Micheil Saakaschwili als Präsident reduzierten ...
Irakli Alasania: Zur Person (22:12)Georgien Nachrichten
Georgian Times: Irakli Alasania tritt als Botschafter bei UN ...Georgien Nachrichten
Ost-Union: EU will engere Partnerschaft mit östlichen Nachbarn FOCUS Online - 3. Dez. 2008
Die EU-Kommission schlug am Mittwoch eine vertiefte Zusammenarbeit mit den ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken Ukraine, Georgien, Armenien, Aserbaidschan, ...
EU bringt "Ost-Partnerschaft" auf den WegAFP
EU beschließt neue Ost-PartnerschaftDeutsche Welle
Gegengewicht zur Mittelmeerunionn-tv
Parteien der Opposition in Georgien zu Rücktritt von Alasania ... Georgien Nachrichten - 5. Dez. 2008
Absage an Georgien und die Ukraine Deutsche Welle - 3. Dez. 2008
Warum die NATO-Staaten Georgien und der Ukraine eine Absage erteilten, wie diese Absage in der Ukraine aufgenommen wurde und was die Fluglinie Alitalia nach ...
Tritt Georgien der NATO bei?Deutsche Welle
Die EU will ein gerechteres AsylrechtDeutsche Welle
Zeitplan im VerzugDeutsche Welle
Moskau stellt sich quer Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung - 5. Dez. 2008
Dem Vernehmen nach scheiterte das an der Haltung Russlands, das unter anderem darauf beharrt haben soll, nicht von einem „Konflikt in Georgien“ zu sprechen, ...
EIL - Georgien dreht Gashahn für Südossetien zu - Moskau ruft OSZE ...RIA Novosti
OSZE-Konferenz ohne Abschlusserklärung beendetPR-Inside.com (Pressemitteilung)
105 Staaten verbieten Streubomben, Georgien nicht (11:00) Georgien Nachrichten - 4. Dez. 2008
Georgien ist nicht darunter. Auch andere wichtige Staaten sind nicht unter den Unterzeichnern. So haben die wichtigsten Produzenten dieser Munition, ...
Nach der Streubombe: "Schreie und überall Blut"ZDFheute.de
Abkommen zum Verbot von StreubombenWiener Zeitung
Verpflichtung zur AbrüstungMehr als 100 Staaten ächten StreubombenSWR Nachrichten
Greisin behauptet: Berliner Kurier - vor 20 Stunden gefunden
Georgien – Er gehört zu den mächtigsten Männern der Welt – doch über Wladimir Putins Jugend ist so gut wie nichts bekannt.
Keinen anderen Weg sieht die Nato auch für Georgien und die Ukraine vor. Der "Membership Action Plan", der zur Nato-Vollmitgliedschaft hinführt, ...
Nato hält Moskau auf Distanz Bündnis will nach dem Krieg Georgien ... sueddeutsche.de -
Brüssel - Die Nato setzt ihren scharfen Kurs gegen Moskau fort und will zugleich Georgien entgegengekommen. Der Weg des Kaukasus-Staates zur Mitgliedschaft ...
Die Nato mahnt Moskau zur Mässigung
Nato/Georgien: Deutschland gegen beschleunigte Nato-Aufnahme Georgiens
Georgien und Ukraine begrüßen Nato-Erweiterungsbeschluss
Nato streitet über Beitrittsverfahren für Georgien und Ukraine
Wie Ministerpräsident Grigol Mgaloblischwili am Freitag mitteilte, sind sowohl der georgische Verteidigungsminister wie auch die Außenministerin entlassen ...
Außen- und Verteidigungsminister in Georgien ausgewechselt
Georgiens Außenministerin entlassen
Verteidigungs- und Außenminister entlassen
Einigung der Außenminister der Nato in Brüssel: Ein Bündnisbeitritt der Ukraine und Georgiens im Schnellverfahren ist nach heftigem Streit vom Tisch. ...
Wieder Gespräche mit Russland - Ukraine und Georgien müssen warten
NATO bremst rasche Aufnahme von Georgien und der Ukraine
Kein beschleunigter NATO-Beitritt für Georgien und Ukraine
Weil der derzeitige georgische Staatschef Michail Saakaschwili bei allen wichtigen politischen Themen gescheitert ist, fordert die Oppositionsführerin ...
"Russland hat den Einmarsch monatelang geplant"
Merkel gegen Nato-Pläne der USA
Saakaschwili warnt Berlin vor „Verrat“
Die Georgien-Krise stand heute im Mittelpunkt des OSZE-Ministerrats in Helsinki. Die OSZE entsendet seit den 90er Jahren Beobachter in den Kaukasus, ...
Kaukasus-Krise macht neue Sicherheitsarchitektur in Europa ...
Wenn man Nachrichten aus Georgien übersetzt, dann hat man es nicht nur mit einer seit der Machtübernahme von Micheil Saakaschwili als Präsident reduzierten ...
Irakli Alasania: Zur Person (22:12)
Georgian Times: Irakli Alasania tritt als Botschafter bei UN ...
Die EU-Kommission schlug am Mittwoch eine vertiefte Zusammenarbeit mit den ehemaligen Sowjetrepubliken Ukraine, Georgien, Armenien, Aserbaidschan, ...
EU bringt "Ost-Partnerschaft" auf den Weg
EU beschließt neue Ost-Partnerschaft
Gegengewicht zur Mittelmeerunion
Warum die NATO-Staaten Georgien und der Ukraine eine Absage erteilten, wie diese Absage in der Ukraine aufgenommen wurde und was die Fluglinie Alitalia nach ...
Tritt Georgien der NATO bei?
Die EU will ein gerechteres Asylrecht
Zeitplan im Verzug
Dem Vernehmen nach scheiterte das an der Haltung Russlands, das unter anderem darauf beharrt haben soll, nicht von einem „Konflikt in Georgien“ zu sprechen, ...
EIL - Georgien dreht Gashahn für Südossetien zu - Moskau ruft OSZE ...
OSZE-Konferenz ohne Abschlusserklärung beendet
Georgien ist nicht darunter. Auch andere wichtige Staaten sind nicht unter den Unterzeichnern. So haben die wichtigsten Produzenten dieser Munition, ...
Nach der Streubombe: "Schreie und überall Blut"
Abkommen zum Verbot von Streubomben
Verpflichtung zur AbrüstungMehr als 100 Staaten ächten Streubomben
Georgien – Er gehört zu den mächtigsten Männern der Welt – doch über Wladimir Putins Jugend ist so gut wie nichts bekannt.
Lomaia nicht mehr Sekretär des Nationalen Sicherheitsrates in ... Georgien Nachrichten - 5. Dez. 2008
Weiteres Stühlerücken in Georgien: Der bisherige Sekretär des Nationalen Sicherheitsrates in Georgien, Alexandre Lomaia, soll von diesem Posten entfernt ...
Weiteres Stühlerücken in Georgien: Der bisherige Sekretär des Nationalen Sicherheitsrates in Georgien, Alexandre Lomaia, soll von diesem Posten entfernt ...
Neue Schusswechsel in Georgien (09:30) Georgien Nachrichten - 5. Dez. 2008
Aus Georgien gab es am Freitag Morgen Meldungen über neue Schusswechsel. Nach Angaben des georgischen Innenministeriums sollen ossetische Milizen in der ...
Noch kein neues Georgien-Mandat für OSZE NZZ Online -4. Dez. 2008
Die westlichen Länder haben bei einem Aussenministertreffen in Helsinki noch kein neues Mandat für die Georgien-Mission der OSZE erreicht.
Die Nato in der Starre sueddeutsche.de -2. Dez. 2008
Wenn sich die Gültigkeit von Beschlüssen (wie über den Umgang mit Georgien und der Ukraine) nur noch in Monaten misst, dann ist der Allianz die Kraft ...
Russland: Ukraine will sein Verhältnis zu Russland verbessernFOCUS Online
"Wir sind keine Anhänger einer Neuauflage des Kalten Krieges"derStandard.at
«Wir müssen die europäische Sicherheit neu erfinden»Basler Zeitung
Stillschweigendes Abkommen zwischen UNO und Nato Telepolis - 4. Dez. 2008
Georgien und die Ukraine werden nicht im Eilverfahren in die NATO aufgenommen, das ist eine der Hauptbotschaften des Treffens. Eine weitere Botschaft findet ...
Wird die NATO zum militärischen Flügel der UN?Linke Zeitung
In Eile verfaßt und heimlich unterzeichnetJunge Welt
Aus Georgien gab es am Freitag Morgen Meldungen über neue Schusswechsel. Nach Angaben des georgischen Innenministeriums sollen ossetische Milizen in der ...
Noch kein neues Georgien-Mandat für OSZE NZZ Online -
Die westlichen Länder haben bei einem Aussenministertreffen in Helsinki noch kein neues Mandat für die Georgien-Mission der OSZE erreicht.
Die Nato in der Starre sueddeutsche.de -
Wenn sich die Gültigkeit von Beschlüssen (wie über den Umgang mit Georgien und der Ukraine) nur noch in Monaten misst, dann ist der Allianz die Kraft ...
Russland: Ukraine will sein Verhältnis zu Russland verbessern
"Wir sind keine Anhänger einer Neuauflage des Kalten Krieges"
«Wir müssen die europäische Sicherheit neu erfinden»
Georgien und die Ukraine werden nicht im Eilverfahren in die NATO aufgenommen, das ist eine der Hauptbotschaften des Treffens. Eine weitere Botschaft findet ...
Wird die NATO zum militärischen Flügel der UN?
In Eile verfaßt und heimlich unterzeichnet
Labels:
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EU,
Geopolitic,
Georgia,
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Wednesday, November 12, 2008
NEWS: Georgia News Digest 11-12-08 (pdf)
click on the headline
A service of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies
Attached PDF file easily navigable with Bookmarks pane
Archives and associated files at groups.google.com/group/genewsfiles2 (from February 2008) and groups.google.com/group/genews (before February 2008)
A service of the Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies
Attached PDF file easily navigable with Bookmarks pane
Archives and associated files at groups.google.com/group/genewsfiles2 (from February 2008) and groups.google.com/group/genews (before February 2008)
Russia-Georgia, conflict, and international +++ Analysis and opinion +++ South Ossetia and Abkhazia +++ Domestic +++ Politics and government +++ Business and economics +++ General news
Jonathan Kulick, Ph.D., Director of Studies, Georgian Foundation for Strategic and International Studies, 3a Chitadze, Tbilisi 0108, Georgia (Republic), jonathan.kulick@gfsis.org, office: +995 32 47 35 55, mobile: +995 95 33 33 40, USA voicemail: 310.928.6814
Thursday, September 18, 2008
STATEMENT: Ordner or Chaos. By Giorgi Tortladze.
On 25 August 2008 the Russian Duma recognized the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, and 24 hours later the President of the Russian Federation, Dimitry Medvedyev approved the decision of the Duma and the request of the separatist authorities.
That was a response to the recommendations of various countries to the Russian Federation on fulfillment of the 6-item agreement on cease-fire and withdrawal of the troops from the territory of Georgia. The President of France, Nikola Sarkozi plaid extremely important role in overcoming this critical situation.
We all know what this 6-item agreement is about. Despite of a cease-fire agreement the bombing of Georgian cities was continued after 12 September; the bridges were exploded and the ships, infrastructure and the civilian buildings were destroyed. Using the fire-bombs they devastated the forest areas – totally 1400 hectares, restoration of which will take at least two centuries.
In contrary to the Agreement the Russian troops still remain on the Georgian territory. They create new posts and dig the trenches. All of these activities are carried out outside of the conflict zone, on the territory of Georgia. There were facts of marauding that became public due to the decisive work of journalists and reporters. Here I would like to express my deepest sorrow for those who perished in the course of fulfilling their professional duties.
Against this background one still can hear the question: who shoot the first!
I would like to say for those who may not know that: the problem of the first shot the Soviet Russia solved in 30 November 1939 in Finland, when the group of NKVD destroyed its own border post at the village Mainil using this event as a ground for starting the war against Finland. At the same day Molotov cinically noted: “the Red Army has to respond to the hostile policy of Finland and their aim is to protect security of Leningrad”.
I’m not going to draw your attention to the terrorist acts and the violations of border from the Russia’s side, as they will not fail to blame Georgian authorities in doing them.
In order to wave any doubt how this big provocation was being prepared, let me provide you with the information about certain legislative initiatives of the Russian Federation.
For example, on 22 July 2004 A. Kokoshin, the chairman of the Committee of CIS Affairs of the Russian Duma, lodged the initiative to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation. His application read as follows: “on the legal basis for possible affiliation of the South Ossetia to the Russian Federation as a new entity”.
We have to remember that for the material time Russia was fulfilling its mandate as a peacekeeper in the region.
It is regretful that such “first shots” did not become the subject of the wider public consideration.
How it can be explained that on 9 December 2004 a group of parliamentarians of the Russian Federation, namely the representatives of the Faction “Rodina” – D. Rogozin, N. Narochnitskaya and A. SAvelieva drafted the amendments regarding the “Procedure on Admitting a New Entities to the Russian Federation”. The authors offered to the Government the simplified procedure for admitting the new entities to the Russian Federation. It also applied to the autonomous entities of the former Soviet Union.
The aim of this drat-law was to simplify the procedure for the membership in the Russian federation. It states that this is possible if the people residing on the given territory express such will through the referendum. Indeed, according to the authors, there is no need to have a consent of the country whose part is this or that autonomous entity. Moreover, the draft-law suggests to adopt a special constitutional law to admit to the Russian federation the new entities, such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Adjara etc. According to the authors the necessity of introducing such amendments is originated form the fact that “Russia and a legal successor of the Soviet Union, thus having the right to incorporate the autonomous entities of the former Soviet Union through the simplified procedure”.
Let’s consider the latest novelties of the Russian legislation.
On 13 June 2008 the ad hoc Commission on the North Caucasus Situations of the Russian Federation examined the issues related to the population of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The enlarged meeting of this Commission was planned for 17 June. The Mission of South Ossetia received the invitation to participate in the work of the ad hoc Commission of the Council of Federation of the CIS.
It is well known fact that regional department of LDPR initiated the unification of the North Ossetia with South Ossetia.
Not to mention surprises like information provided by TV Company “Zvezda”, according to which on the territory of North Ossetia functions concrete plant, imported from Korea and thanks to efforts of Russian specialist they are building highway of 500km length, which would link South Ossetia with North Ossetia bypassing Georgian checkpoints.
I think there is not a single country in the world, which would be unaware of “territorial appetites” of the Soviets. There is no country, towards which the Soviets did not have territorial claims. They wanted from Norway-archipelago Shpicbergen, from Turkey-Dardanelle, and territories for military bases from Greece and Tripoli Tania (Libya).
There is no need to explain this reality to Poland, Baltic States and the Ukraine. In these states the Soviets expressed and promoted their interests through Molotov-Ribentroup pact.
The Soviet Union introduced its troops into the territory of Iran during the Second World War and through its security service they would carry out so called “democratic movement”, which aimed at depriving Iran its south provinces and attaching them to the Soviet Azerbaijan. Only in 1956 the Soviets give up on this intention. However, relations with Russians show that their words and promises do not mean much. For example, four Japanese islands, occupied by the Soviet Army in 1945. It is true that in 1956 Russia reached an agreement with Japan, which stipulated return of two islands out of the occupied four islands. However, just in four years, in 1960, it refused to meet its own previous commitments.
Is there any need to explain to Europeans, what does it mean “peace enforcement “ in a Soviet way. Let’s remember Hungary in 1956, Prague in 1968. Is there any need to talk about protection of civilian rights?
Protection of its own citizens on the territories of other states, as well as misinterpretation of issue who started shooting first, is very well adopted and practiced by Russia in many countries, as it was the case with Nazi Germany in the 30s of the 20th century.
Maybe some would say, that all that happened in the Soviet Union, while today we are dealing with the Russian Federation, which can not be held responsible for its past history. That is a true argument, but what about the statement of Vladimir Putin: “dissolution of the Soviet Union was the largest geo-political catastrophe of 21st century” and legislative act adopted by the State Duma (December 9, 2004)- “Russia is a legal successor of the Soviet Union”.
Examples of recent history demonstrate that today, like during the Soviet Union, the security concept of Russia envisages further expansion of its borders and establishment of security buffer zones.
But let me ask a question. From whom is Russia defending itself, and who is attacking Russia? Georgia?
Georgia’s population is about 1/3 of the population of Russia and territory of Russia is 150 times larger than territory of Georgia.
I call upon the international community, please do not be trapped by demagogue and political technology games of who “shoot first”.
Today, I am not going to speak about my personnel opinions, but rather I would like to draw your attention on mere facts and chronology of events, which is available for those who are interested in the Archives.
On May 7, 1920 Russia recognized the independence of Georgia. The only demand of Russia towards Georgia was to allow local Bolsheviks to function freely on the Territory of Georgia. After that, as pointed out by Ossetian Bolsheviks themselves, on the territory of four administrative units of Georgia: Gori, Dusheti, Racha and Shoropani they set up “ District Committee of South Ossetian Bolsheviks”.
It is interesting, why they called it South Ossetia, when beyond the Caucasian range, where is historical Ossetia-Alania, which was at that time part of the Russian Federation, as a constituent part of the Union of Mountain Republics, there was no mention of North Ossetia. Therefore, they have created Union of South Ossetian Bolsheviks, while there was no North Ossetia in existence. The title of North Ossetia came into existence only after the District Committee of South Ossetian Bolsheviks appealed to Lenin with a request,
- to admit them to the Bolshevik Russia, since the Menshevik government of Georgia was unacceptable for them.
At that time, this request was rejected by the Kremlin under the pretext that the Caucasian ranges were closed for 9 months out of 12 in a year and therefore direct transport communications between the two was actually impossible. What is important in this respect is a fact that at that time, in 1921, Russia had already decided to occupy the whole Georgia and therefore South Ossetia Autonomy was formed as a administrative territorial unit within Georgia. As a result of military intervention, the whole territory of Georgia became part of Soviet empire.
These are facts and nobody is able to deny them. I call upon the international community to pay more attention to Russian sources; for example, in great Soviet encyclopedia of 1940, you will see the following definition of Poland: Poland is a geographic notion and this territory it is in the sphere of German interest (should we trust their publications?).
Now, when it comes to protection of Russian citizens on the territory of Georgia- that is the Russian way of “protection” of its citizens in a “humane” manner; Russia had carried out sterilization of these territories of ethnic Georgians, pursued policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide. Therefore, Russia had been “protecting” its own citizens at the cost of discrimination of ethnic Georgians.
Therefore, when Russia claims in a most cynical way that it has been protecting its own citizens on the territory of Georgia, I would like to remind it that: neither Georgian, nor Russian legislation provides for double citizenship. Therefore, those citizens who assume Russian citizenship, automatically loose Georgian citizenship, that is, there staying on the territory of Georgia is no longer legal, since for many years now, there is visa regime between Georgia and Russia, and the aforementioned so called citizens of Georgia have not gone through any custom checkpoints. Proceeding from the aforementioned, the Russian government should not protect its own citizens who are illegally on the territory of other country, but to take immediate steps to remove them from the territory of Georgia.
The so called Russian peacekeepers and criminal paramilitary groups under their patronage have driven out ethnic Georgians from their homes, grossly violated their property rights and carried out ethnic cleansing against Georgians. (declarations of December 2-3 , 1996 Lisbon and 18-19 November, 1999 Istanbul OSCE Summits).
I would like to remind you, that in the beginning of July, 2008 Mr. Karl Schtainmayer presented a very realistic and reasonable plan for peaceful settlement of the conflict and demonstrated very clear ways hot to stabilize the situation in the volatile region.
Peaceful settlement of these conflicts would lead to the return of displaced citizens of Georgia and restoration of legality and Georgian jurisdiction in these regions, and all these developments would not serve the neo-imperial plans of Russia and the legislative initiatives starting since 2004 are the potent proof of the abovementioned. It is no surprise that Mr. Bagapsh, as a crony of Russia, rejected the Shtainmayer plan outright.
A few words about one aspect of Georgian-Russian conflict.
I am a Chairman of opposition faction in the Parliament of Georgia and has been elected to the Parliament from the United Opposition list, therefore I am from the most radical opposition movement. However, it should be underlined that I have rejected the idea of boycotting the Parliament and establishing an alternative consultative body. I remember very well the bitter experience of similar actions in 1991-92.
Let me remind you, that on December 21, 1991 the so called Commonwealth of Independent States was established, and Georgia refused to join this organization. On the very next day, on 22 December 1991 military operation aiming at deposal of the Georgia legitimate authorities started. Alongside with Russian heavy weapons and finances, political opponents of President Gamsakhurdia were used in the process.
I do believe that democracy is a mechanism for the management of State and we have got to improve it through our own efforts and aspirations. The Georgian people will not allow anybody to intervene in our inner political processes.
As far as unilateral and arbitrary recognition of independence of integral parts of Georgia is concerned, words said by Arnold Toynbee come to my mind, which recognized society and civilization, formulated by religion and geography, as a legal entity of history.
Or let’s take George Elenik’s “theory of three elements, which the foundation of statehood.
In accordance with 1993 Montevideo convention, article 1, a State, as a subject of international law, must have the following characteristics:
1. permanent population
2. defined government
3. government
4. capacity to establish relations with other states.
Let’s address all these characteristics one by one:
1. Vast majority of permanent population is displaced from both regions (Abkhazia and Tskinvali region)
2. Both territories are integral part of Georgia.
3. Governments have been elected as a result of ethnic cleansing and with the support of Russian tanks and military forces.
4. Not a single State (except Russia) has legal relations with the separatist regimes.
A question comes to a surface, are there any legal and legitimate arguments for recognizing these separatist enclaves as independent entities. We think that we are witnessing Russia’s attempts aiming at creation of mono-ethnic zone.
So far, not a single State has been established under the pretext of protection own citizens residing on the territory of other state (except for Hitler’s “legalistic innovations”). This is Russia’s interpretation of the international law.
Today the civilized world faces a dilemma, defined not only by a desire to render support to Georgia: The Georgia case gave the birth to the following dilemma:
Order or chaos
Relations based on mutual respect and agreement or demonstration of force.
Georgia needs support from the international community to prove to the world that in Georgia we do not have ethnic conflict and provide we will manage to neutralize the sources of separatism, we will have no conflict either with Abkhazs, or with Ossetians.
First of all, an agreement reached thanks to Mr. Nicola Sarkozy should be materialized. And the next step could be considerer implementation of peace plan offered by Mr. Karl Schtaimayer.
We will prove that the only method for solution of the similar conflicts is nothing but peaceful coexistence, and that still remains a possibility in our case, provided Russia withdraws its troops from the territory of Georgia, the peace process is internationalized, and displaced persons from both sides are allowed to return to their homes.
To this end, we need your held, support of the international community and do promise that you will be proud of events developing in Georgia.
We will be able to solve the task in a dignified manner.
Giorgi Tortladze
Member of the Parliament of Georgia
Chairman of the faction “Strong Georgia –Christian Democrats
soure >>>
That was a response to the recommendations of various countries to the Russian Federation on fulfillment of the 6-item agreement on cease-fire and withdrawal of the troops from the territory of Georgia. The President of France, Nikola Sarkozi plaid extremely important role in overcoming this critical situation.
We all know what this 6-item agreement is about. Despite of a cease-fire agreement the bombing of Georgian cities was continued after 12 September; the bridges were exploded and the ships, infrastructure and the civilian buildings were destroyed. Using the fire-bombs they devastated the forest areas – totally 1400 hectares, restoration of which will take at least two centuries.
In contrary to the Agreement the Russian troops still remain on the Georgian territory. They create new posts and dig the trenches. All of these activities are carried out outside of the conflict zone, on the territory of Georgia. There were facts of marauding that became public due to the decisive work of journalists and reporters. Here I would like to express my deepest sorrow for those who perished in the course of fulfilling their professional duties.
Against this background one still can hear the question: who shoot the first!
I would like to say for those who may not know that: the problem of the first shot the Soviet Russia solved in 30 November 1939 in Finland, when the group of NKVD destroyed its own border post at the village Mainil using this event as a ground for starting the war against Finland. At the same day Molotov cinically noted: “the Red Army has to respond to the hostile policy of Finland and their aim is to protect security of Leningrad”.
I’m not going to draw your attention to the terrorist acts and the violations of border from the Russia’s side, as they will not fail to blame Georgian authorities in doing them.
In order to wave any doubt how this big provocation was being prepared, let me provide you with the information about certain legislative initiatives of the Russian Federation.
For example, on 22 July 2004 A. Kokoshin, the chairman of the Committee of CIS Affairs of the Russian Duma, lodged the initiative to the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation. His application read as follows: “on the legal basis for possible affiliation of the South Ossetia to the Russian Federation as a new entity”.
We have to remember that for the material time Russia was fulfilling its mandate as a peacekeeper in the region.
It is regretful that such “first shots” did not become the subject of the wider public consideration.
How it can be explained that on 9 December 2004 a group of parliamentarians of the Russian Federation, namely the representatives of the Faction “Rodina” – D. Rogozin, N. Narochnitskaya and A. SAvelieva drafted the amendments regarding the “Procedure on Admitting a New Entities to the Russian Federation”. The authors offered to the Government the simplified procedure for admitting the new entities to the Russian Federation. It also applied to the autonomous entities of the former Soviet Union.
The aim of this drat-law was to simplify the procedure for the membership in the Russian federation. It states that this is possible if the people residing on the given territory express such will through the referendum. Indeed, according to the authors, there is no need to have a consent of the country whose part is this or that autonomous entity. Moreover, the draft-law suggests to adopt a special constitutional law to admit to the Russian federation the new entities, such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Adjara etc. According to the authors the necessity of introducing such amendments is originated form the fact that “Russia and a legal successor of the Soviet Union, thus having the right to incorporate the autonomous entities of the former Soviet Union through the simplified procedure”.
Let’s consider the latest novelties of the Russian legislation.
On 13 June 2008 the ad hoc Commission on the North Caucasus Situations of the Russian Federation examined the issues related to the population of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The enlarged meeting of this Commission was planned for 17 June. The Mission of South Ossetia received the invitation to participate in the work of the ad hoc Commission of the Council of Federation of the CIS.
It is well known fact that regional department of LDPR initiated the unification of the North Ossetia with South Ossetia.
Not to mention surprises like information provided by TV Company “Zvezda”, according to which on the territory of North Ossetia functions concrete plant, imported from Korea and thanks to efforts of Russian specialist they are building highway of 500km length, which would link South Ossetia with North Ossetia bypassing Georgian checkpoints.
I think there is not a single country in the world, which would be unaware of “territorial appetites” of the Soviets. There is no country, towards which the Soviets did not have territorial claims. They wanted from Norway-archipelago Shpicbergen, from Turkey-Dardanelle, and territories for military bases from Greece and Tripoli Tania (Libya).
There is no need to explain this reality to Poland, Baltic States and the Ukraine. In these states the Soviets expressed and promoted their interests through Molotov-Ribentroup pact.
The Soviet Union introduced its troops into the territory of Iran during the Second World War and through its security service they would carry out so called “democratic movement”, which aimed at depriving Iran its south provinces and attaching them to the Soviet Azerbaijan. Only in 1956 the Soviets give up on this intention. However, relations with Russians show that their words and promises do not mean much. For example, four Japanese islands, occupied by the Soviet Army in 1945. It is true that in 1956 Russia reached an agreement with Japan, which stipulated return of two islands out of the occupied four islands. However, just in four years, in 1960, it refused to meet its own previous commitments.
Is there any need to explain to Europeans, what does it mean “peace enforcement “ in a Soviet way. Let’s remember Hungary in 1956, Prague in 1968. Is there any need to talk about protection of civilian rights?
Protection of its own citizens on the territories of other states, as well as misinterpretation of issue who started shooting first, is very well adopted and practiced by Russia in many countries, as it was the case with Nazi Germany in the 30s of the 20th century.
Maybe some would say, that all that happened in the Soviet Union, while today we are dealing with the Russian Federation, which can not be held responsible for its past history. That is a true argument, but what about the statement of Vladimir Putin: “dissolution of the Soviet Union was the largest geo-political catastrophe of 21st century” and legislative act adopted by the State Duma (December 9, 2004)- “Russia is a legal successor of the Soviet Union”.
Examples of recent history demonstrate that today, like during the Soviet Union, the security concept of Russia envisages further expansion of its borders and establishment of security buffer zones.
But let me ask a question. From whom is Russia defending itself, and who is attacking Russia? Georgia?
Georgia’s population is about 1/3 of the population of Russia and territory of Russia is 150 times larger than territory of Georgia.
I call upon the international community, please do not be trapped by demagogue and political technology games of who “shoot first”.
Today, I am not going to speak about my personnel opinions, but rather I would like to draw your attention on mere facts and chronology of events, which is available for those who are interested in the Archives.
On May 7, 1920 Russia recognized the independence of Georgia. The only demand of Russia towards Georgia was to allow local Bolsheviks to function freely on the Territory of Georgia. After that, as pointed out by Ossetian Bolsheviks themselves, on the territory of four administrative units of Georgia: Gori, Dusheti, Racha and Shoropani they set up “ District Committee of South Ossetian Bolsheviks”.
It is interesting, why they called it South Ossetia, when beyond the Caucasian range, where is historical Ossetia-Alania, which was at that time part of the Russian Federation, as a constituent part of the Union of Mountain Republics, there was no mention of North Ossetia. Therefore, they have created Union of South Ossetian Bolsheviks, while there was no North Ossetia in existence. The title of North Ossetia came into existence only after the District Committee of South Ossetian Bolsheviks appealed to Lenin with a request,
- to admit them to the Bolshevik Russia, since the Menshevik government of Georgia was unacceptable for them.
At that time, this request was rejected by the Kremlin under the pretext that the Caucasian ranges were closed for 9 months out of 12 in a year and therefore direct transport communications between the two was actually impossible. What is important in this respect is a fact that at that time, in 1921, Russia had already decided to occupy the whole Georgia and therefore South Ossetia Autonomy was formed as a administrative territorial unit within Georgia. As a result of military intervention, the whole territory of Georgia became part of Soviet empire.
These are facts and nobody is able to deny them. I call upon the international community to pay more attention to Russian sources; for example, in great Soviet encyclopedia of 1940, you will see the following definition of Poland: Poland is a geographic notion and this territory it is in the sphere of German interest (should we trust their publications?).
Now, when it comes to protection of Russian citizens on the territory of Georgia- that is the Russian way of “protection” of its citizens in a “humane” manner; Russia had carried out sterilization of these territories of ethnic Georgians, pursued policy of ethnic cleansing and genocide. Therefore, Russia had been “protecting” its own citizens at the cost of discrimination of ethnic Georgians.
Therefore, when Russia claims in a most cynical way that it has been protecting its own citizens on the territory of Georgia, I would like to remind it that: neither Georgian, nor Russian legislation provides for double citizenship. Therefore, those citizens who assume Russian citizenship, automatically loose Georgian citizenship, that is, there staying on the territory of Georgia is no longer legal, since for many years now, there is visa regime between Georgia and Russia, and the aforementioned so called citizens of Georgia have not gone through any custom checkpoints. Proceeding from the aforementioned, the Russian government should not protect its own citizens who are illegally on the territory of other country, but to take immediate steps to remove them from the territory of Georgia.
The so called Russian peacekeepers and criminal paramilitary groups under their patronage have driven out ethnic Georgians from their homes, grossly violated their property rights and carried out ethnic cleansing against Georgians. (declarations of December 2-3 , 1996 Lisbon and 18-19 November, 1999 Istanbul OSCE Summits).
I would like to remind you, that in the beginning of July, 2008 Mr. Karl Schtainmayer presented a very realistic and reasonable plan for peaceful settlement of the conflict and demonstrated very clear ways hot to stabilize the situation in the volatile region.
Peaceful settlement of these conflicts would lead to the return of displaced citizens of Georgia and restoration of legality and Georgian jurisdiction in these regions, and all these developments would not serve the neo-imperial plans of Russia and the legislative initiatives starting since 2004 are the potent proof of the abovementioned. It is no surprise that Mr. Bagapsh, as a crony of Russia, rejected the Shtainmayer plan outright.
A few words about one aspect of Georgian-Russian conflict.
I am a Chairman of opposition faction in the Parliament of Georgia and has been elected to the Parliament from the United Opposition list, therefore I am from the most radical opposition movement. However, it should be underlined that I have rejected the idea of boycotting the Parliament and establishing an alternative consultative body. I remember very well the bitter experience of similar actions in 1991-92.
Let me remind you, that on December 21, 1991 the so called Commonwealth of Independent States was established, and Georgia refused to join this organization. On the very next day, on 22 December 1991 military operation aiming at deposal of the Georgia legitimate authorities started. Alongside with Russian heavy weapons and finances, political opponents of President Gamsakhurdia were used in the process.
I do believe that democracy is a mechanism for the management of State and we have got to improve it through our own efforts and aspirations. The Georgian people will not allow anybody to intervene in our inner political processes.
As far as unilateral and arbitrary recognition of independence of integral parts of Georgia is concerned, words said by Arnold Toynbee come to my mind, which recognized society and civilization, formulated by religion and geography, as a legal entity of history.
Or let’s take George Elenik’s “theory of three elements, which the foundation of statehood.
In accordance with 1993 Montevideo convention, article 1, a State, as a subject of international law, must have the following characteristics:
1. permanent population
2. defined government
3. government
4. capacity to establish relations with other states.
Let’s address all these characteristics one by one:
1. Vast majority of permanent population is displaced from both regions (Abkhazia and Tskinvali region)
2. Both territories are integral part of Georgia.
3. Governments have been elected as a result of ethnic cleansing and with the support of Russian tanks and military forces.
4. Not a single State (except Russia) has legal relations with the separatist regimes.
A question comes to a surface, are there any legal and legitimate arguments for recognizing these separatist enclaves as independent entities. We think that we are witnessing Russia’s attempts aiming at creation of mono-ethnic zone.
So far, not a single State has been established under the pretext of protection own citizens residing on the territory of other state (except for Hitler’s “legalistic innovations”). This is Russia’s interpretation of the international law.
Today the civilized world faces a dilemma, defined not only by a desire to render support to Georgia: The Georgia case gave the birth to the following dilemma:
Order or chaos
Relations based on mutual respect and agreement or demonstration of force.
Georgia needs support from the international community to prove to the world that in Georgia we do not have ethnic conflict and provide we will manage to neutralize the sources of separatism, we will have no conflict either with Abkhazs, or with Ossetians.
First of all, an agreement reached thanks to Mr. Nicola Sarkozy should be materialized. And the next step could be considerer implementation of peace plan offered by Mr. Karl Schtaimayer.
We will prove that the only method for solution of the similar conflicts is nothing but peaceful coexistence, and that still remains a possibility in our case, provided Russia withdraws its troops from the territory of Georgia, the peace process is internationalized, and displaced persons from both sides are allowed to return to their homes.
To this end, we need your held, support of the international community and do promise that you will be proud of events developing in Georgia.
We will be able to solve the task in a dignified manner.
Giorgi Tortladze
Member of the Parliament of Georgia
Chairman of the faction “Strong Georgia –Christian Democrats
soure >>>
Labels:
Conflict,
Georgia,
Giorgi Tortladze,
Government,
Politics,
Russia,
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